Modern day slavery in the Middle East


Last year, Theresa Dantes, a Filipino maid disclosed to the Financial Times that she signed a contract with an employment agency in the Philippines to come to Qatar to work as a housemaid for USD 400 a month, plus room and board. But when she arrived, her employer said he would pay her only USD 250. She acquiesced; her family back in Quezon City depended on her earnings.
Other surprises quickly followed. Ms. Dantes, 29, said she was fed one meal a day, leftovers from the family’s lunch: “If no leftovers, I didn’t eat.” She worked seven days a week. When she finished work in her employer’s house, she was forced to clean his mother-in-law’s house, and then his sister’s. After eight months, Ms. Dantes tried to leave. Her boss laughed. “You can’t quit,” he told her.
Qatar has its own labor system called “Kafala”. It governs the working lives of every foreigner employed in Qatar. Under this system, Ms. Dantes could not resign without her employer’s permission. She fled and joined 56 other women who had sought shelter at the Philippine Overseas Labor Office.
Some 1.2 million foreign workers, mostly poor Asians from India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Indonesia and the Philippines, make up 94 percent of the labor force in Qatar, a small Persian Gulf Caliphate with an absolute monarchy of the Al-Tani Dynasty. Developed in the late 1950s in sparsely populated Persian Gulf states that needed workers for their oil and gas industries, the system has expanded to the point where there are nearly five foreign workers for each Qatari citizen. Perhaps a million foreign workers are expected to arrive in the next few years to help build nine new stadiums and USD 20 billion in roads needed by 2022, when Qatar will host the World Cup.
Many of these workers will labor under near-feudal conditions that Human Rights Watch has likened to “forced labor.” Qatari employers assume legal responsibility for their employees in addition to providing them with a paid job, a work visa, housing and often food. In exchange, an employee agrees to work for an employer for a fixed length of time.
But a worker cannot change jobs, leave the country, get a driver’s license, rent a home or open a checking account without the permission of his or her employer-sponsor, or “Kafeel”. And a Kafeel also can withdraw sponsorship at almost any time and send the employee home.
It’s not just housemaids and other low-skilled workers who are the victims. An Arab-American businessman, Nasser Beydoun, disclosed his personal ordeal to the Financial Times that he spent 685 days as an “economic hostage” in Doha before he was released in October 2011. After he quit as chief executive of a local restaurant chain, his former employer denied him a permit to leave Qatar. “Foreign workers in Qatar are modern-day slaves to their local employers. The local Qatari owns you.” Mr. Beydoun, who now lives in Detroit Michigan, (US) explained.
Only about half of foreign blue-collar workers sign formal work contracts before coming to Qatar, according to a poll by the Social and Economic Survey Research Institute (SESRI) at Qatar University. The rest come with nothing more than a verbal agreement. Even a formal contract offers inadequate protection. A quarter of the blue-collar workers who signed contracts said employers failed to fully honor the agreements, the SESRI poll found. That proportion increased to 42 percent among the third who made less than USD 275 a month.
Under pressure from human rights and labor advocates, the government has promised new protections. Hussein al-Mulla, Undersecretary of the Labor Ministry of Qatar said “Seven, eight years ago we didn’t have labor laws. It is better now than before. It will be better in the future.” He further noted that, the ministry has created a phone line for workers to anonymously report abuses, and a system of arbitrating labor disputes. Employers now must report pay check details to the Labor Ministry. The country is finalizing a law setting occupational health and safety standards and a charter of workers’ rights.
But, as the fact on the ground indicated beyond any doubt, the new laws are not enough. The challenge is enforcement of these laws and establishing a new work culture. The scope of the problem is so large and the number of foreigners is growing so quickly. Most construction workers, security guards, household staffers and service workers come to Qatar through personnel agencies, which are hired by prospective employers and draw up the contracts. Officials in some sending countries are supposed to review the contract before they issue exit visas.
According to the SESRI poll, the average recruiting fee for a blue-collar worker is almost USD 1,000 for a job that typically pays about USD470 a month. Most workers have to borrow to pay the fee. Among workers earning USD275 or less, 80 percent take at least three months just to earn back their recruiting fee; nearly a third take six months or longer.
Foreign workers in Qatar, which has no minimum-wage law, have little recourse if they are offered wages lower than they expected, and the high fees the personnel agencies charge give employers no incentive to free their employees from their obligations.
Remarkably, some migrant workers help circumvent the very laws intended to protect them. Francisco Moceros, 50, a driver in Qatar explained to the Financial Times that he signed a work contract for USD 340 a month, which is the Philippine government’s minimum wage, at an employment agency in Manila, but is paid USD220. The recruiter said the listed salary was a sham, Mr. Moceros said, but he signed anyway. Qatar’s 250,000 citizens are among the world’s richest, with a gross national income, adjusted for relative purchasing power, of USD87,478 in 2012, about double the figure in the United States.
The typical household is served by a staff of three. Some 95 percent of Qatari families employ a housemaid; more than half have two or more. A recent survey by the Research Institute found that nearly 9 in 10 Qataris did not want to see the Kafala system weakened; if anything, 30 percent said they wanted to see employers’ prerogatives strengthened.
According to Mr Al-Mulla of the Labor Ministry, this means that reform efforts “must go slowly”. In 2009, neighboring Bahrain allowed foreign workers to freely change jobs. Mr Al-Mulla agrees that the Qatari system must change:  “It will be better or it will be history.” Until it does get better, this modern day slavery on the Persian Gulf will live on