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From Acid to Abundance: How OC‑MASSA is turning Ethiopia’s ‘Dead’ highlands into breadbaskets

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A new soil “medicine” is helping farmers in Bule district and beyond defeat crippling soil acidity, boosting yields from a few quintals to harvests that can finally feed families and fuel Ethiopia’s growth.

Tesfaye Malei was once a man who had lost hope. A farmer in Bule district of the Gedeo Zone, he would rise before dawn to work a one‑hectare plot, only to harvest less than two quintals—about 200 kilograms—of grain. “All that labor for two quintals!” he recalls, his voice still marked by the frustration of those years. His soil, eaten away by acidity, made his effort almost meaningless.

Today, Tesfaye stands in the middle of the same field and tells a very different story. “This land that used to give only two quintals per hectare now produces 50 or 60,” he says, smiling broadly as he looks over thick stands of barley. For him, this is not just a better harvest; it is a return of dignity and security—a resurrection powered by a new fertilizer technology called OC‑MASSA.

This is more than the story of one farmer. It is the story of a wider awakening in Bule, where farmers have begun to “bury” soil acidity and move into a new phase of prosperity. Their journey shows what can happen when science, policy reform, and farmers’ own determination finally pull in the same direction.

A Paradise with a Silent Killer

Located in Southern Ethiopia’s Gedeo Zone, Bule district looks like a green paradise from a distance. Sitting at an altitude of around 2,810 meters above sea level, it enjoys a cool highland climate and receives roughly 1,400 millimeters of rainfall per year—conditions that, on paper, seem ideal for barley, wheat, maize, and other highland crops.

Yet behind this apparent abundance lurked a silent killer: soil acidity. For years, farmers sowed seeds, applied fertilizers, and labored from dawn to dusk, only to harvest yields that were nowhere near commensurate with their effort. Many describe a sense of shame and helplessness as their land failed them season after season.

Research has since confirmed the scale of the problem. Nationwide, more than 40 percent of actively cultivated land is now considered acidic, with some regions—such as parts of Sidama, Southwest and South Ethiopia—reporting acidity on well over 60 percent of farmland. In total, around seven million hectares of Ethiopia’s arable land are affected by acidification, with about 3.2 million hectares severely damaged. In Bule district alone, 3,813 hectares are claimed by this “silent killer.”

Farmers Find a New Ally

For years, the main solution promoted to combat soil acidity was lime. Scientifically, lime works: it raises pH and helps unlock nutrients for plants. But practically, it has been a heavy burden on smallholder farmers. Correcting soil acidity using conventional lime can require 20 to 30 quintals per hectare, meaning huge transport and labor costs in rugged highland terrain.

“Transporting lime to solve soil acidity requires a lot of money and effort,” explains Dr. Selamyihun Kidanu, Director of Agronomy and Business Development at OCP Ethiopia. “For many farmers, moving up to 30 quintals of lime per hectare on steep, fragmented plots is simply not realistic. That is why OC‑MASSA was developed—to solve this bottleneck.”

OC‑MASSA is a customized fertilizer that combines phosphorus with calcium and granulated limestone in a single granular product. The idea is simple but powerful: instead of hauling many bags of bulk lime plus separate fertilizer, farmers apply a much smaller quantity of one product that both neutralizes acidity in the root zone and supplies missing nutrients—especially phosphorus, which is a key limiting factor in many Ethiopian soils.

The logistical advantage is striking. To treat acidic soil, OC‑MASSA requires only about three quintals per hectare—roughly one‑tenth of the lime requirement for similar effect. That alone can cut transport burdens and associated costs dramatically, especially in remote and hilly districts like Bule.

Worku’s Barley and the Power of Practice Change

When you meet Worku Kurse in his barley field, the brightness on his face rivals the lush green of his crop. Worku supports nine family members. For him, farming is not a side activity; it is the source of his children’s schoolbooks, the fund for a new roof, and the guarantee of daily bread.

“It used to be a big victory if we managed to get six quintals from one hectare,” he recalls of the days before OC‑MASSA. “We sowed in the old way, scattering seed by hand, and we just accepted whatever came.” That changed when extension workers and OCP agronomists introduced a package of practices: treating acidic soils with lime and OC‑MASSA, sowing in rows instead of broadcasting, and applying the right fertilizer at the right time.

“Now we start preparing our fields in May,” Worku explains. “We first treat the soil acidity and then sow in line. When we added OC‑MASSA, the result shocked us.” On land that once produced six quintals per hectare, Worku is now expecting around 30 quintals, enough to comfortably support his family of ten and invest back into his farm.

Farmers like Worku emphasize that OC‑MASSA alone is not a magic wand; it works best when combined with improved agronomic practices. But they are equally clear that without a practical way to tackle acidity, no amount of seed or technique could unlock their land’s potential. For them, OC‑MASSA is the missing piece that makes other improvements truly pay off.

Tesfaye’s Journey from Despair to Confidence

Few stories illustrate the emotional arc of this transformation better than Tesfaye’s. A few years ago, his yields had fallen so low that he considered abandoning farming altogether. “In the past, we used to get only two quintals from a hectare,” he recalls. “Imagine! Working an entire season for such a small harvest—it breaks your spirit.”

Everything changed when he joined demonstration plots managed with OCP Ethiopia and local experts. Over two seasons of applying OC‑MASSA and following improved practices, his fields were transformed. “Now the result is between 50 and 60 quintals,” he says, still sounding almost incredulous. “My hope has returned. I have decided to stay in agriculture. This new technology has given me confidence.”

Tesfaye’s experience is echoed by other farmers in cluster groups across Bule. Shege Shifera, who works with more than 20 farmers on a 10‑hectare barley block, points to the thick, uniform crop covering the hills. “This barley is not just sprouted; it is fed and grown with OC‑MASSA,” he says. “We have seen the benefits with our own eyes. From now on, even if there is no support, we will buy and use it ourselves.”

Science, Standards, and Policy Reform

Behind the visible “miracle” in farmers’ fields lies years of research, trials, and policy shifts. OCP Ethiopia and its partners spent around six years in laboratories and on experimental plots, collecting data across multiple regions and crops. By some estimates, OC‑MASSA delivers yield advantages of 20–30 percent over conventional blends on average, and up to 50 percent in particularly sensitive acidic zones.

Dr. Wondale Habtamu, Deputy Director General of the Ethiopian Agriculture Authority, underlines that OC‑MASSA is the product of a deliberate move toward science‑driven, private‑sector‑enabled agriculture. For decades, Ethiopia’s fertilizer system was tightly controlled by the state, with limited room for customized products or private investment. Now, that is changing.

“In the past, agriculture was constrained not only by law but by the way the sector was controlled,” he notes. “Today, we are opening space for private investors and encouraging innovation, but without compromising on quality and safety.” According to him, OC‑MASSA went through rigorous testing and meets standards set by the Ethiopian Standards Institute before being approved for wider use.

Wondale describes OC‑MASSA as more than a simple fertilizer—he calls it a “soil medicine.” Unlike standard products like urea or DAP, which mainly address nutrient deficiencies, this blend targets the underlying pH problem while delivering key nutrients. Farmers who used to haul 30 quintals of lime and other inputs per hectare can now achieve better results with around 3 quintals of this balanced fertilizer, reducing cost and labor while improving profitability.

A Broader Transformation Takes Shape

For local leaders, the change is visible in both fields and attitudes. Barako Beriso, Chief Administrator of Bule woreda, notes that while the district’s land is naturally fertile, acidity long blocked its potential. “Over the past 10 years, we have worked with Wondo Genet Agricultural Research Center and other partners to bring technology to our farmers,” he says. “Now we are seeing large demonstration fields—barley clusters spanning more than 13 hectares, involving dozens of households. Our farming practices are shifting from traditional to modern.”

OC‑MASSA’s impact is not confined to Bule. In recent seasons, clusters of wheat in Oromia, maize and teff in Amhara, and wheat and barley in Sidama and South Ethiopia have also used the product, with thousands of farmers reporting improved yields on previously acidic land. One report notes that thousands of metric tons of OC‑MASSA have already been distributed to tens of thousands of farmers, as part of efforts to scale up treatment of acidic soils nationwide.

Another important dimension is local production. About 30 percent of OC‑MASSA’s raw materials are now sourced within Ethiopia, giving hope that, as blending plants expand and investments mature, the country could move toward fully domestic production. That would not only improve supply security but also save significant foreign exchange.

OCP Group, the Moroccan phosphate giant behind OCP Ethiopia, has been a strategic partner in this process. Through agreements with the Ethiopian government, including a multi‑billion‑dollar fertilizer complex planned in Dire Dawa, OCP aims to combine Ethiopian potash and gas resources with imported phosphates to make more of the fertilizers the country needs—tailored to its diverse soils.

The Stakes: Food Security and Livelihoods

The stakes could hardly be higher. Agriculture remains the backbone of Ethiopia’s economy, employing around 80 percent of the workforce and contributing more than a third of GDP. Yet an estimated 43 percent of cultivated land is acidic, and in some highland regions the proportion is even higher. Soil acidity directly affects the livelihoods of millions of smallholders and, when family members are counted, may touch the lives of nearly 40 million people.

“When soil pH drops below about 5.5, the soil effectively ‘locks up’ nutrients,” agronomists explain. Even if fertilizers or organic matter are added, plants cannot fully access the nutrients they need, and yield can be cut by half or more. In such a context, tackling acidity is not a luxury—it is a prerequisite for food security.

That is why, in addition to private actors like OCP, development partners such as USAID have also joined efforts to demonstrate and expand the use of locally blended fertilizers for acidic soils, particularly in regions like Sidama. These collaborations aim to boost yields, raise rural incomes, and make Ethiopia’s food system more resilient.

A New Foundation for Hope

Back in Bule, the most powerful evidence of change is not found in policy documents or laboratory reports but in the fields themselves. Stretches of land that once produced sparse, yellowing stands now hold dense, green barley and wheat. Farmers who once spoke of giving up now talk about buying more seed, sending children further in school, and investing in better homes.

“The biggest thing this new technology has given us is confidence,” says Tesfaye. “We are no longer afraid of our own soil.” Worku agrees, adding that OC‑MASSA and the new practices have given him a reason to see farming as a business, not just survival.

The OC‑MASSA story is still in its early chapters. With seven million hectares of acidic land still to be reclaimed, officials like Wondale caution that much work remains. They call for coordinated, “back‑breaking” effort from government, private sector, researchers, and farmers to spread this technology and related practices across the country, making Ethiopia’s highlands lush and green again.

For now, in the hills of Bule, the sight of lush barley swaying in the wind is more than a pretty scene. It is a promise—proof that with the right tools and partnerships, even “dead” soil can be brought back to life, and with it, the hopes of millions of Ethiopian farmers.

Five Key Risks That Will Shape 2026

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In January 2025, the air transport industry was facing significant headwinds and none more so than the threat of tariffs and the potential retaliation they might provoke.

In this challenging context, airlines nevertheless earned a record net profit of $39.5 billion. It must be pointed out though that in one year a single oil company can make as much profit as our whole airline industry does.  Looking at net margins, the picture appears even more fragile. At an expected 3.9% in 2026, the airline industry remains one of the lowest-margin industries, having never seen a net profit margin above 5%. In per-passenger and US dollar terms, the industry’s anticipated net profit equates to $7.90 — below what Apple earns from selling one iPhone cover.

Risk Landscape

In 2026, risks abound. Having a view of what these might entail is important for planning and decision-making and the impact they may have on airlines. Five areas loom particularly large in the year ahead.

1. Policy Fragmentation

The post-World War II multilateral system is weakened, with perhaps the most visible fragmentation occurring in international trade. “Me-first” policies are being enacted with little concern for their impact on global networks, whether it is supply chains or single industries such as air transport.

International institutions are also being sidestepped, threatening to undo the International Civil Aviation Organization’s 80 years of global harmonization. Different frameworks now compete to determine how to address CO₂ emissions from air transport. Fragmented tax policies introduce severe competitive distortions that ripple across the global network even though the policy may appear locally focused. Such policies raise little money for governments, have little or no impact on emissions, and make air transport more expensive.

2. Supply Chain Disruptions

There is a persistent and record-high backlog of aircraft orders. While things have started to improve, the mismatch between airline requirements and production is not expected to unwind before 2031-2034. This negatively caps growth in the industry yet protects yields as aircraft load factors reach the highest level in aviation history. More dramatically, the situation has halted progress in improving fuel efficiency across the global fleet and slows the industry’s decarbonization.

3. Climate Change-Related Disruptions

Disruptions such as extreme weather and commodity price swings can affect agriculture, infrastructure, global trade, and investment flows. A successful energy transition for airlines pursuing net zero carbon emissions by 2050 requires stable policies and reliable financing. The reduced commitment to addressing climate issues in a coordinated manner across the world will undoubtedly slow progress on all these fronts.  

Associated risks include greater food and water insecurity, and therefore increased migration. Yet the world has turned more hostile towards immigration. The decision by nations to welcome, or not welcome, migrants will put pressure on borders and support systems, impacting international air passengers.

4. Cyber Threats and Artificial Intelligence

Cyber threats are growing in both frequency and importance. We also see a convergence of risks and vulnerabilities with artificial intelligence (AI) enhancing attackers’ capabilities, geopolitical instability providing fertile breeding ground, and digital dependence exposing supply chains and organizations to greater risks.

The airline industry’s reliance on critical infrastructure makes the global air transport network particularly exposed, along with all other network industries. AI adds risks related to misinformation, loss of privacy, and erosion of trust, on top of those that might generate economic disruption, job displacement, and greater inequality. Proof of AI generating substantial profits and increased productivity are scarce and may take years to materialize.

5. Macro-Economic Outlook

The external value of the US dollar is important to the global economy because of its dominant share in cross-border payments. Over the very long term, the US dollar is a trend-depreciating currency. Currently, the Federal Reserve is in rate-cutting mode, and global uncertainty has rather uniquely favored other safe havens, such as gold and the Swiss franc. Adding the lack of fizz in the US economy, persistent budget and current account deficits, and potentially greater reservations about US stock market valuations, the US dollar appears most likely to pursue its depreciation in 2026.

A weaker US dollar tends to benefit all non-USD-based countries who will pay less in local currency for their USD-denominated debt and trade. This is of course important for air transport where over 50% of the cost base is invoiced in US dollars.  

At the same time, the oil market is undergoing major structural change as demand is shifting in response to electrification and to greater use of liquefied natural gas (LNG) in road transport. Geopolitical changes will also play a role. Supply is expanding even as demand slows, leading to inventory build-up and putting downward pressure on prices—again good news for airlines.

The risk of a severe economic slowdown in 2026 seems limited unless we have underestimated the potential combined effect of the above converging risks and vulnerabilities, or because of unforeseen events. Nevertheless, this is not a particularly growth-friendly environment and global GDP growth is unlikely to accelerate. Moreover, given this risk convergence, the margin to maneuver is reduced, which makes policy mistakes more likely.   

Championing the Value of Aviation

In the context of limited policy flexibility, good growth and welfare-increasing strategies are hard to come by. Yet it so happens that the energy transition and air transport combine to deliver a uniquely promising growth strategy that can enhance agriculture, restore natural habitats, build energy independence, strengthen local communities, broaden the tax base, promote international trade, connect people, support innovation, and lift productivity. All of these benefits have a dynamic and positive impact on each other. This is way more than what traditional economic policy can muster through policy, interest rate cuts, or tax reductions.

Even without quantifying all those dynamic effects, the airline industry supports 87 million jobs and 4% of global GDP. Air transport is not just about flying—it’s about driving progress. Let it lead the way.

Marie Owens Thomsen is IATA’s Senior Vice President, Sustainability & Chief Economist

UNSC: From guardian to stage of erosion in collective enforcement

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Globalization and great power rivalries have diminished the scope of sovereignty through interconnected economies and crises, placing control in the hands of superpowers. Consequently, it is challenging for the UN to maintain an upright position to enforce its principles fairly among all member states, as the influence of power often dictates actions beyond its established mandate.

The UN Charter’s Article 2(1) enshrines the principle of sovereign equality, asserting that every state—regardless of size—should have equal standing. However, when the UN was founded in 1945, its architects understood that the organization would falter without the involvement of major powers, as had occurred with the League of Nations.

At the San Francisco Conference in 1945, the founders of the UN believed that granting the U.S., USSR, UK, France, and later China, permanent seats with veto power would enable these nations to engage in the UN Security Council and help maintain balance whenever international peace was threatened, thus preventing the collapse that had beset the League of Nations.

Today, however, great powers frequently violate UNSC peace mandates, transforming the Security Council into a battleground for power politics rather than a guardian of collective security. The Council often serves as a stage for geopolitical maneuvers, masked by the rhetoric of security threats.

Recent vetoes by Russia have obstructed accountability for its invasion of Ukraine. Simultaneously, the U.S. military actions against Venezuela have attracted substantial international criticism, particularly from Russia, China, Iran, Cuba, and the UN Secretary-General, who have labeled these actions a potential violation of international law and a dangerous precedent.

The U.S. has defended its military intervention in Venezuela as lawful and necessary, despite widespread condemnation from various member states, including those with veto power like China and Russia. Washington has emphasized that Nicolás Maduro and his wife will face trial in U.S. courts under a narcoterrorism indictment first issued in 2020, framing the intervention as law enforcement rather than aggression.

Critics contend that the U.S. operation violates UN Charter Article 2(4), which prohibits the use of force against another state’s territorial integrity without consent, self-defense, or Security Council approval. The UN Secretary-General has expressed deep concern over the escalation and disregard for international law. Some experts and allies, such as Spain, have labeled the actions unlawful, while others focus on holding Maduro accountable.

The U.S. claims this approach leverages its right to prosecute alleged international crimes through domestic courts, arguing that the charges target individuals rather than resolving state-to-state disputes that require mutual consent. This perspective dismisses the matter as lacking substance that necessitates Security Council approval, despite widespread discontent among some UN member states who view such unilateral actions as breaches of sovereignty and the principles of the Charter.

The U.S. intention to prosecute Nicolás Maduro and his wife under its domestic legal framework does not violate international law, as prosecutors assert their jurisdiction is justified by the impact of drug trafficking on American territory and national security, consistent with statutes such as 21 U.S.C. § 960a regarding narco-terrorism.

The prosecution of Nicolás Maduro and Cilia Flores under U.S. domestic laws does not constitute a violation of UN Charter Article 2(7) or Article 92, as these provisions do not apply to unilateral national judicial actions against individuals.

However, there remains significant criticism regarding the frequent breaches of UNSC peace mandates by great powers, which have transformed the Council from a multilateral guardian into a theater of veto-driven power politics, where “security threats” obscure national agendas. This power asymmetry undermines universal principles, prioritizing might over equity, particularly against weaker states.

This exposes the flaws in UN enforcement due to veto-driven selectivity. Today, power asymmetry has established a new norm that limits autonomy and sovereignty, surpassing established UN rules. Weaker nations, particularly in Africa, Latin America, and poorer regions of Asia, face compounded erosion through sanctions, debt diplomacy, and sometimes even full-fledged wars that violate national sovereignty under the pretext of addressing potential threats.

The UN’s architecture was designed to prevent unilateral domination, but concessions to great powers have entrenched precisely that dynamic. Structural power imbalances distort the UN’s promise of sovereign equality. This compromise reveals a paradox: the very mechanism intended to preserve peace is often undermined by superpowers, making collective enforcement difficult. The true rules of the game are not those connected to the UN but rather those dictated by the structural power dynamics among superpowers, who define conditions on their own terms through subtle interests.

In contemporary global politics, the actual rules appear to be dictated by structural power asymmetries rather than the boldly stated principles in the UN Charter. Sovereignty has increasingly become less a principle and more a bargaining chip within global economic and military hierarchies.

Although the UN Charter envisioned sovereign equality under Article 2(1), the veto concessions made by the P5 in 1945 have entrenched unilateral domination and distorted collective enforcement. While the Charter’s ideals of equality and collective enforcement remain aspirational, practice is heavily influenced by superpower rivalry and self-interest.

There is a pressing need to revisit the veto concessions made in 1945 in light of today’s global realities, aiming to create a fairer playing field for all, given the significant changes that have occurred since then. The fundamental flaws in the international system necessitate a core conversation about contemporary global governance.

Negotiations at the 1945 San Francisco Conference enshrined the veto despite opposition from smaller states, who viewed it as “victors’ justice” that undermined sovereign equality. P5 leaders like Roosevelt and Stalin insisted on it to secure support for the UN Charter, allowing any permanent member to block substantive resolutions, even those concerning themselves.

Global shifts since 1945 have underscored the limitations of the UN Security Council veto in a multipolar world. Decolonization empowered nations such as India and Brazil, while emerging threats like cyber warfare and climate crises demand agile collective action that is often hindered by vetoes. Since 1946, over 290 vetoes have been cast, primarily by Russia (approximately 150, including Soviet uses), the US (over 80, many related to Israel), and, to a lesser extent, China, the UK, and France, paralyzing responses to conflicts like those in Ukraine and Gaza.

The Russia/Soviet Union has the highest tally of vetoes, frequently using it during the Cold War to counter Western initiatives and more recently in Syria and Ukraine. The US has extensively vetoed resolutions to protect allies, notably Israel, while China has increased its veto use since the 1990s on issues such as Myanmar. This concentration of veto power entrenches the power structures of 1945, despite the P5’s outdated representation.

Ultimately, reforming the UN Security Council veto must address the paradox of a mechanism designed to safeguard great-power consensus that now routinely allows narrow national interests to undermine collective security. This tension erodes the UN’s credibility and the Charter’s principles of sovereign equality and peaceful dispute resolution.

Expanding membership to reflect multipolarity—by adding India, Brazil, Germany, Japan, and African representation—would dilute the dominance of the veto without abolishing it outright. Such changes would preserve the UN’s viability while enforcing the primacy of the Charter over national vetoes, enhancing the collective enforcement of the principles outlined in the UN Charter.

You can reach the writer via gzachewwolde@gmail.com

The unprecedented kidnapping of Maduro

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The unprecedented kidnapping in the world annals, in the manner in which it took place, of Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro constitutes not only a military intervention in a sovereign and independent country in violation of the principles of international law, but also constitutes a clear warning to the entire planet. A warning to every insubordinate leader of any country.

 Already on January 3, 2026, during a press conference he gave regarding the military operation and arrest of Maduro, US President Donald Trump issued threats against Colombian President Gustavo Petro, stating the following: “He would do well to be careful.”

At the same time, the US president hinted that Cuba could be a topic of discussion within the context of broader US policy in the region, highlighting Washington’s ability to expand its focus beyond Venezuela.

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio even said that the Cuban government should be worried after Maduro’s arrest. Specifically, he said: “If I lived in Havana and was member of the government, at least I would be worried,” adding that “Cuba is a disaster” and that the country is “run by incompetent and depraved men.”

The history of the United States, moreover, is characterized by extensive imperialist interventions, both territorial and interventionist in other countries. Specifically, there have been approximately 400 interventions since 1776, when the Second Continental Congress adopted the Declaration of Independence on July 4, declaring the independence of the 13 American Colonies from the British Empire, an event that marked the official founding of the United States of America.

Who can forget that from April 15 to 19, 1961, 1,400 anti-Fidel Castro fighters, trained and financed by the CIA, attempted to land at the Bay of Pigs, 250 kilometers from Havana, but failed to overthrow the Cuban communist regime. These battles resulted in the deaths of about a hundred people on each side.

“With Salvador Allende winning the elections of September 4, 1970 in Chile and already Fidel Castro in Cuba, we will have a Red sandwich in Latin America that will inevitably become all Red,” Richard Nixon feared, and his fear was soon confirmed by the election results.

So, in the face of this unpleasant reality for the United States, a solution had to be found. And the solution was found on that morning of September 11, 1973, when a military coup took place under the head of the army, General Augusto Pinochet, with the support of the United States, but also of Brazil, whose military regime was completely friendly and cooperative with the United States. The coup plotters, after first surrounding and bombing the Presidential Palace, then stormed it. Salvador Allende and his close associates were killed, after fierce resistance.

The United States also invaded Panama in mid-December 1989 during the presidency of George W. Bush. The purpose of the military invasion was to oust Panama’s de facto leader, General Manuel Noriega, who was accused by American authorities of extortion and drug trafficking.

So, if one is looking for a historical parallel where the US arrested a de facto leader of a country and transferred him to the US for trial, the Noriega case is the most characteristic. And this happened after a regular military invasion, that is, in the context of a coordinated armed intervention, and certainly not a “normal” peace.

Noriega managed to escape and took refuge in the Vatican embassy in Panama City, the country’s capital, where he remained for 11 days. There, he was subjected to relentless psychological warfare in order to surrender. The US military set up a horrible , deafening wall of sound outside the embassy. A fleet of Humvees with loudspeakers constantly played hard rock and occasionally heavy metal music. For example, “Panama” by the heavy metal singers Van Halen was played.

The Holy See rightly complained to President Bush, and the musical war ended after three days. By January 3, 1990, the general had agreed to surrender.

But what are the deeper reasons for the US military invasion of Venezuela and the pursuit of overthrowing the insubordinate existing regime?

Venezuela, therefore, has the largest proven oil reserves in the world, amounting to approximately 303.8 billion barrels as of 2021. For comparison, leading oil producing countries have smaller reserves. Specifically, Saudi Arabia has approximately 267 billion barrels and Kuwait has 101.5 billion barrels.

At the same time, the country’s proven natural gas reserves exceeded 5.6 trillion cubic meters in 2021. It should be noted, at the same time, that in the Western Hemisphere, only the United States had more reserves.

Also, Venezuela’s total iron ore reserves are estimated at 4.5 billion tons. And here it should be emphasized regarding iron reserves that the country is second in the region after Brazil. Venezuela finally has some of the largest reserves of bauxite in the world, a mineral used to produce aluminum. The country’s total bauxite reserves amount to 950 million tons.

It is, therefore, clear to any objective observer that the US covets Venezuela’s wealth-producing resources. Resources that they cannot get their hands on with the existing regime, which is a political and military partner and ally of Moscow, Beijing and Tehran, but also the main supplier of oil to China, whose control is drying up the flow.

The solution therefore for them, for the US, in order to secure primacy in the relentless international competition is the overthrow of the existing Venezuelan regime and the emergence of a president and a government that is absolutely friendly and serviceable. The rest, that is, whether such a thing is legal and democratic, does not concern them at all.

In closing, I would like to emphasize that the leaders of any country are overthrown only by their people, that is, by popular uprisings and revolutions, as has happened in various countries in the past. They are not overthrown by the military intervention of another country, a foreign power. Therefore, the US military invasion of Venezuela and the kidnapping of its president, Nicolas Maduro, are absolutely condemnable for any democratic and free-thinking citizen of the world.

Isidoros Karderinis is journalist, foreign press correspondent accredited by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, regular member of the Greek Foreign Press Correspondents’ Association, novelist, poet and lyricist. Facebook: Karderinis Isidoros