Wednesday, April 1, 2026
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Great Ethiopian Run donates 4 Million Birr to Charity Organizations

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Great Ethiopian Run has officially handed over 4 million Birr to selected charitable organizations during a ceremony held at the Cheshire Ethiopia Menagesha office.

The funds were raised through the “Running for a Cause” charity campaign as part of the 2025 Sofi Malt Great Ethiopian Run International 10km.

The beneficiaries of this year’s fundraising program include: Cheshire Ethiopia, Tesfa Social and Development Association, Federation of Ethiopian Associations of Persons with Disabilities (FEAPD) and Ezenet Children and Parents Aid Organization.

During the handover ceremony, Her Excellency Dr. Ergoge Tesfaye, Minister of Women and Social Affairs, shared a message of appreciation: “I am very pleased to visit the center today. Beyond the sporting activity and its ability to connect people, the effort Great Ethiopian Run makes to help those in need is an exemplary act for others. We will continue to collaborate on this and support many other institutions in the future.”

Legendary athlete Haile Gebrselassie also commented on the milestone: “When we started the ‘Running for a Cause’ campaign, our goal was for the sporting event to serve as a platform to reach our fellow citizens. It is heartening to see it continue and grow stronger every year. Beyond the money raised, I feel great pride in the attention and visibility this gives to these charitable organizations.”

Special recognition was also given to individuals who personally raised significant funds and contributed greatly to the success of the campaign. During the event, it was emphasized that the Great Ethiopian Run will continue to fulfill its social responsibility by linking sports with philanthropy.

Cancer survivors celebrated at 2026 Safaricom Women First 5KM

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A group of over 50 women who have survived cancer took part in the 2026 Safaricom Women First 5km, the 23rd staging of this annual joyous competition. The group of cancer survivors who have been training for the run are part of a women’s association called Negat (the Amharic word for ‘dawn’).

Sunday’s race is staged at its traditional venue in Bole at the newly renovated square next to Atlas Hotel. The square’s renovation offers more space for the thousands of women and girls expected at the event after registration closed last week with all 16,000 places taken. The race is one of the biggest women’s-only road races in Africa.

Every year the race which is staged around the time of International Women’s Day on 8th March promotes messages to celebrate the achievements and contributions of women in the development of Ethiopia’s economic, cultural and social life. This year’s race message provided by DKT Ethiopia is “Live Smart Run Confident” and has been designed to create more awareness about the importance of family planning.

A strong field of around 150 elite female athletes competed for the cash prizes for the race’s top ten finishers with a winner’s prize of 100,000 Ethiopian birr, the highest-ever individual prize in the 23-year history of the race. And it was announced that the winner from last year’s women First 5km Birnesh Deseie won the race this year. Former race winners include Fantaye Belayneh, Medina Eisa, Senbere Teferi, Mamitu Daska and Aselefech Mergia who went on to achieve high honours for Ethiopia in major international races.

Last week the Women First 5km Race Ambassador Meseret Defar, a two-time Olympic 5,000m gold medallist, attended a warm-up event at Itegue Menem School where she encouraged students to be part of the competition and also make running a regular part of their lifestyle. “Mesi’s sub-35 minute challenge” aims to incentivise participants to run consistently throughout the year.

Sunday’s race again included a special Icon Women category for women in prominent positions in Ethiopian society. Kekron Asfaw, the 2nd time winner of the Icon Women race category, is one of many who speak of the sense of camaraderie experienced by participants at the race: “From the moment I first joined this event, I knew it was an experience I never wanted to miss. The sense of unity and camaraderie that pervades the atmosphere here is truly the heart of this run.”

When War Becomes Its Own Justification: Why This Is Not a Just War

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Wars are often presented as necessary long before they are understood. The unfolding U.S.–Israel conflict with Iran is being framed in precisely those terms: unavoidable, defensive, even moral. But when examined closely, through the lenses of law, ethics, and long-term consequences, it becomes clear that this war does not meet the standard of a just war. More troubling still, it risks unleashing a crisis far greater than those it claims to prevent.

The Israeli Ambassador’s response to Capital’s editorial attempts to simplify the issue into one of survival. Yet it is precisely this framing, urgent, absolute, and emotionally compelling, that obscures the deeper problem: when survival becomes the only lens all constraints disappear.

A just war must begin with necessity. Not perceived danger, not strategic advantage, but necessity grounded in imminent threat.

Yet the justification for this war shifts depending on who is speaking. At times it is about nuclear capability, at others about missile programs, regional influence, or regime behavior. This lack of consistency is not accidental. It reflects a deeper uncertainty: the absence of a single, compelling reason that meets the threshold for war.

War, in this case, appears less like a last resort and more like the outcome of accumulated fears, political momentum, and strategic impatience.

The Ambassador argues that Iran’s long-standing hostility and military development justify military action. But this is precisely where the argument fails.

International law was designed to prevent wars based on anticipated threats. It sets a high bar for the use of force precisely because fear is not a reliable foundation for global order.

If the standard becomes subjective, if a state may strike because it believes another could become dangerous, then the implications are profound: Every rival becomes a potential target, every future capability becomes a present justification, and the line between defense and aggression dissolves. What remains is not a rules-based system, but a hierarchy of power.

The Ambassador suggests that criticism of the war amounts to defending Iran. This is a false choice.

One can oppose the policies of a regime and still reject the legitimacy of a war against it. The editorial argument is not about absolving Iran, it is about holding all states to the same legal and moral standards.

Once those standards become selective, they cease to function as law. They become instruments of convenience.

There is an underlying assumption driving this war: that superior military force produces predictable outcomes.

But modern conflicts do not behave predictably. They unfold within complex, interconnected systems, economic, political, and social, that react in ways no planner can fully anticipate.

We have seen this before: Wars intended to be short become prolonged. Interventions meant to stabilize instead destabilize, And military victories fail to produce political solutions

Iran, in particular, is not a passive actor. It adapts, decentralizes, and responds asymmetrically. Already, the disruption of critical global energy routes illustrates how quickly a regional conflict can escalate into a global shock.

The Ambassador frames the war narrowly. Reality does not permit that.

The Persian Gulf is not merely a regional theater, it is a central artery of the global economy. Any sustained disruption affects: Energy prices worldwide, inflation across vulnerable economies, and supply chains far beyond the Middle East

Countries with no stake in the conflict will bear its costs. This is not a hypothetical scenario, it is already unfolding.

A war that imposes severe consequences on distant, uninvolved populations raises serious questions about proportionality and justice.

The claim that democratic governments have a duty to defend their citizens is valid, but incomplete. Democracy is not meant to justify war. It is meant to restrain it.

If democratic legitimacy becomes a reason to lower the threshold for military action, then it ceases to function as a safeguard. It becomes, instead, a tool for rationalizing decisions that would otherwise face greater scrutiny.

Civilian harm, economic disruption, and long-term instability do not become acceptable simply because they are authorized through democratic processes.

The war is presented as a path to stability. Yet its trajectory suggests the opposite. It aims to reduce threats, yet expands the scope of conflict. It seeks to deter, yet provokes retaliation and it claims to uphold order, yet weakens the norms that sustain it

This is not a controlled intervention. It is a dynamic process moving toward outcomes that are increasingly difficult to predict or contain.

Why the Ambassador’s Argument Falls Short is because his case rests on urgency: that the threat is so grave it overrides all other considerations.But urgency does not replace legality. It does not resolve the requirement for necessity, proportionality, or last resort.

Crucially, the argument avoids the most important questions: Was war the only remaining option? Does the response exceed the threat? Will the consequences create greater instability than the danger it seeks to eliminate? What precedent does this set for future conflicts?

By not addressing these, the argument shifts from justification to assertion.

The greatest danger is not only the immediate destruction, but the precedent being established.

If this war is accepted as legitimate, the lesson will be clear: That powerful states may redefine the rules when convenient, that preventive war is acceptable, and that global consequences are secondary to national calculations

Once established, such precedents do not remain isolated. They spread, reshaping the behavior of states far beyond the original conflict.

Finally, this war is not unjust merely because of its immediate impact. It is unjust because it erodes the very principles that are meant to prevent wars.

A just war must be necessary, proportionate, and constrained by law. This conflict meets none of those conditions convincingly.

The Ambassador defends the war as essential. But history shows that wars justified in absolute terms often produce the most unpredictable and far-reaching consequences.

What is unfolding is not simply a confrontation between states. It is a test of whether the international system can maintain its coherence under pressure.

If it fails, the result will not be a more secure world. It will be a more volatile one, where rules bend, thresholds collapse, and conflicts multiply.

And that is a far greater danger than any single adversary.

Fuel Shortage: Ethiopia’s Stress Test Has Arrived

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Consultants like to say: a crisis is just a system revealing itself.

Ethiopia’s fuel shortage is doing exactly that.

The war in Iran has triggered what energy analysts are calling one of the largest global supply shocks in decades, with as much as 20% of global oil flows disrupted and prices surging past $100 per barrel.
In some moments, prices have even approached levels not seen since previous global crises.

For countries that produce oil, this is a windfall. For countries like Ethiopia, it is a stress test.

The problem is not just price… It is access.

Most commentary focuses on rising prices. That is only half the story. The more immediate issue is supply.

The closure and disruption of key shipping routes like the Strait of Hormuz, through which a fifth of global oil normally passes, has tightened not just crude supply, but refined fuel markets as well.

That is why queues are forming. That is why deliveries are delayed. That is why fuel, even when paid for, does not always arrive on time.

This is not inflation. This is scarcity.

Clearly, Africa as a whole is highly exposed to this kind of shock because it imports most of its fuel. Ethiopia is even more exposed: It imports virtually all refined petroleum, it depends heavily on a single logistics corridor, it already faces foreign exchange constraints.

So when oil rises above USD100, the effect is not linear. It compounds. More dollars are needed.
Shipping costs increase. Insurance premiums rise. Delivery slows. And suddenly, the issue is not affordability alone, it is availability.

In a way, fuel is not just fuel. It is the operating system of the economy. When supply tightens, transport slows, prices rise, production costs increase, food supply chains weaken.

Fertilizer, heavily tied to energy markets, is also affected, pushing up agricultural costs and threatening future harvests. The result is predictable: today’s fuel shortage becomes tomorrow’s food inflation.

There is, however, one decision that now looks prescient.

The government’s push toward electric vehicles. At the time, it may have seemed ambitious. Today, it looks strategic. Countries with electric mobility, renewable energy, and reduced oil dependence are already showing greater resilience in this crisis.

Ethiopia, with its largely renewable electricity base, has an advantage many do not. Every electric vehicle on the road today is one less vehicle queuing for imported fuel tomorrow.

This policy should not slow down. It should accelerate.

Now, if oil remains above USD100, and early indicators suggest it may, Ethiopia cannot afford to respond passively. The response must be immediate, disciplined, and practical. First, demand must be managed.

Around the world, governments are already encouraging reduced fuel consumption, cutting non-essential travel, prioritizing logistics, and managing distribution tightly. Ethiopia will need to do the same, whether explicitly or indirectly.

Second, allocation must become strategic. Fuel should flow first to: Food supply chains, public transport, and essential services. Not all consumption is equal in a shortage.

Third, communication must improve. Uncertainty fuels panic. Panic fuels hoarding. Hoarding worsens shortages. Clarity matters.

If disruption continues into the coming weeks, the question shifts from management to adaptation. At that point, governments elsewhere have already begun enforcing energy conservation, rationing critical supplies, and prioritizing sectors. Some countries have even reduced working days or restricted energy-intensive activities. These are not extreme measures. They are pragmatic ones. Ethiopia may need to consider them.

Communities, of course, will not wait for policy. They will adapt instinctively. People will, combine trips, shift to public transport, reduce discretionary movement, share transport where possible.

We are already seeing this globally, where households are cutting fuel use, limiting travel, and adjusting daily routines.

The informal economy adjusts faster than policy ever can. The question is whether policy keeps up.

This crisis is not new. It is simply familiar in a sharper form. It reveals a simple truth:

Dependence on imported fuel is not just an economic issue. It is a structural vulnerability. Every external shock becomes an internal crisis. Which is why the long-term response cannot be temporary measures alone. It must include: Accelerated electrification, diversified logistics and reduced oil dependency.

Not as environmental ambition, but as economic necessity.

The Bottom Line is that if oil stays above USD100, Ethiopia’s fuel shortage is not a temporary inconvenience.It is a preview of what happens when global shocks meet structural dependence.

The queues at fuel stations are not just lines. They are signals that the system is tightening.
Signals that adjustment is already underway. And signals that the real question is no longer whether Ethiopia will feel the shock, but how quickly it can adapt before the shock becomes the new normal.