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INVITATION FOR BID

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The International Rescue Committee (IRC) is an international non-governmental organization working in Ethiopia to provide multi-sector refugee and rural community assistance in Tigray, Benshangul-Gumuz, Somali, Oromia, Gambella, and the SNNP Regional States.

The IRC now invites sealed bids from all eligible and qualified bidders, technically competent, and have valid licenses for the current Ethiopian FY 2017 or 2025 for the Ura Refugee Camp- Construction of Family (Household) Latrines, document is available on February 03, 2025.

Bidding will be conducted through an open competitive tender process.

You may obtain further information from the International Rescue Committee, Ethiopia Program Addis Ababa Office, Jackros to salite mihret church road around Robera Coffee Sets Building 5th floor Tel: 0116638302 /0116636735/6/7.

The Complete set of bidding documents in English for the activities can be obtained from the IRC, Ethiopia Program Addis Ababa Office, Jackros to salite Mihret church road around Robera Coffee, sets Building 7th floor and Assosa Field office, Supply Chain Department during working hours from   February 03, 2025, until February 12, 2025, at the address mentioned above. The prospective bidder should present his/her company’s name and sign to acknowledge receipt of the bid documents. The bid should be submitted to the address mentioned before 10:30 a.m. on February 12, 2025. Late bids will not be accepted. Bids will be open at 11:00 a.m. on February 12, 2025, without bidders and their representatives.

The International Rescue Committee reserves the right to reject any or all bids.

Ethiopian Securities Exchange (ESX): What is in it for ordinary citizens?

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Ethiopia’s maiden organized securities exchange, the Ethiopian Securities Exchange (ESX), officially launched its operations a fortnight ago with a lot of hype and widespread international acclaim. The ESX officials hailed the occasion as a critical step towards fostering a culture of investment and financial inclusivity in Ethiopia. Meanwhile, the Director General of the Ethiopian Capital Market Authority (ECMA), Hana Tehelku, said that this accomplishment will “enable businesses to access sustainable financing and provide investors with new opportunities to grow their wealth.” More particularly, public officials as well as some financial and economic pundits have espoused the view that capital markets like the ESX will have good distributional implications. They argue that ordinary people can invest in corporate securities according to their financial capacity and thus benefit from the wealth that will be created.

The question then is: Is this claim legitimate, or is it a purely rhetorical exercise?

The economic impact of capital markets can be direct or indirect, creating winners and losers in the process. Direct impacts operate through access to funding for businesses and the government, profitable opportunities to invest in marketable securities, and the storage of financial wealth. Indirect impacts mainly work through a growth dividend.   

The access-to-finance argument is evidently compelling. Domestic firms have been overly dependent on credit from commercial banks, which have been extracting rents from borrowers due to lack of alternative finance providers. Bank-centered loans have also been biased against long-term private sector investments. The ESX thus gives listed firms the option of tapping larger volumes of funding through equity and debt markets, lowering their cost of capital while also being able to think long term.

The government, too, can henceforth meet its long-term financing needs in a non-distortionary way. Traditionally, it has had to sell illiquid Treasury bills and bonds, crowd out private sector bank loans, rely upon central bank direct advances, or secure external loans. Moreover, the government will have more policy instruments in its macroeconomic stabilization toolkit.   

However, individual investor participation in capital markets is determined both by individual savings and also by a certain level of financial sophistication. Only the wealthy, and to a lesser extent upper-middle-income people, can respond to capital market signals to earn higher returns on funds that are not needed immediately. Likewise, only they can store wealth in financial-market products to protect or build it over time. This means that the bulk of the Ethiopian population is taken out of the equation.

According to the Ethiopian Economics Association, one-third of Ethiopians live in absolute poverty with increasing depth. More than 70% of the population is engaged in mostly rain-fed agriculture. Unemployment levels are alarmingly high, and those who work pay unjustifiably high personal income taxes with the top marginal rate set at 35%. Thus, savings at the household level are minuscule. To make matters worse, escalating inflation has further eroded living standards. Thinking about a securities investment is, therefore a luxury for most households.

Even in wealthier countries, the great majority of retail investment in capital markets is controlled by a small number of wealthy households. For instance, the overwhelming number of American and European families holds no direct investments in stock markets at all. Most families have indirect investments through institutional investors, especially pension funds, which aggregate retirement savings to invest in long-term securities for adequate and sustainable income in old age. But even after taking into account these indirect holdings, most people have modest stake in capital markets. In citizens’ everyday lives, jobs, cost of living, and real earnings matter much more than the prices of stocks and bonds.

But then, advocates of the ESX also laud the indirect benefits to citizens. Specifically, investment in corporate securities can promote capital formation and thereby economic growth. The supposition here is that growth would then trickle down to the citizenry in the form of jobs and real-wage growth. Nonetheless, this argument ignores two facts. First, the ESX’s contribution to economic growth depends critically not on its mere establishment but rather on its functional and operational efficiencies, which have been lacking in many African stock markets. Second, what is good for the economy at a macro level is not necessarily good at a micro level. Whether or not growth reaches the masses is conditional on its source and deliberate interventions such as social policies and anti-poverty programs. Otherwise, as Nobel Prize-winning economist Joseph Stiglitz demonstrated a decade ago, trickle-down economics is untenable: growth could just trickle up to the rich and worsen income inequality and poverty.  

It is also worth noting the well-documented disconnect between stock markets and the real economy. In the United States, home to the world’s largest equity exchange – the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE), the relationship between stock performance and real economic growth is tenuous. The link between capital market development and poverty is also indirect and gradual. An empirical study published in 2023 shows that stock market development has no significant impact on poverty alleviation in a sample of six Sub-Saharan African countries, including those with the more progressive stock markets (South Africa, Nigeria, and Kenya). And there is no reason why these results should be different in the case of Ethiopia.  

True, the ESX has a fundraising platform for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), which in theory can expand and create more jobs. However, most Ethiopian SMEs, except perhaps some innovative businesses in the tech sector, are characterized by relatively low productivity, competitiveness, and management skills, which constrain their ability to grow to become large. In fact, exit rates are high among the smaller firms. This implies that local SMEs seem especially unlikely to take full advantage of the access to capital offered by a securities exchange.

With these considerations in mind, different measures can be adopted to bridge the gap between capital markets such as the ESX and the average Ethiopian household.  

First, the government should set a minimum wage, reduce the number of personal income tax brackets and the corresponding tax rates, and control inflation or implement cost-of-living allowances, so that the working class might achieve savings from improved disposable income.

Second, assuming healthy household savings, the capital market authorities may consider creating basic, simple, and low-cost investment products for individual investors with elementary knowledge and investment needs.

Third, there may be a way to link informal financial systems to the ESX. For example, the savings of mutual assistance associations such as edir might be consolidated and then invested in the capital market to earn higher benefit for the members.

Fourth, the government can establish and enforce property rights for tangible rural assets like livestock, which may then be converted into marketable securities (with possible guarantees by the regional governments) to raise capital for an association of owners.

Fifth, microfinance institutions are well known for their outreach to the poorer segments of society, so the pool of their loans can be securitized to increase their return and funding capacity.

Finally, the government or its development partners could issue bonds in the capital market and use the proceeds to support the poor’s cause through, for example, development of affordable and social housing or slum upgrading.

To conclude, none of this is to argue that capital markets in Ethiopia are undesirable. But one should not appeal to benefits to the common man as a reason for their establishment. The direct individual beneficiaries will be predominantly the rich and a few financially educated elites. The supposed indirect benefits to the masses are, at best, uncertain.

Matias Assefa is an economic and business analyst based in Addis Ababa. You can reach him via matias.assefa@gmail.com

Comparing Oil Prices Without Due Emphasis on People’s Income: A Critical Analysis

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The price of oil is a key determinant of economic activity, impacting transportation, manufacturing, and energy costs. It also influences government revenues in resource-dependent nations. However, comparing oil prices in isolation, without considering the context of people’s incomes, can lead to skewed perspectives on affordability, living standards, and economic stability. This article explores the significance of integrating income levels into oil price analyses to derive a more holistic understanding of its socio-economic impact.

It is true that Oil Prices alone are misleading. Oil prices are often used as a barometer for economic trends, but this approach ignores significant socio-economic variables. Key shortcomings of focusing solely on oil prices include: Income Variability Across Regions – a $1 increase in oil prices affects populations differently based on income levels and purchasing power. For instance, low-income households in developing countries might feel a greater strain compared to wealthier nations where incomes are higher.

Inflation and Currency Effects – in countries with weaker currencies, even moderate changes in global oil prices can lead to substantial increases in domestic fuel costs, disproportionately affecting low-income groups. Fuel Dependency Levels – societies where individuals rely heavily on personal vehicles or where public transportation is fuel-dependent are more affected by oil price changes, especially if incomes are low.

To fully understand the economic impact of oil prices, it is crucial to examine them relative to average income levels and other economic indicators: Fuel Affordability Index – comparing oil prices as a percentage of average monthly income provides a clearer picture of affordability. A high ratio indicates that fuel costs take up a significant portion of disposable income, particularly burdening the poor.

Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) – evaluating oil prices in terms of PPP adjusts for differences in income levels and cost of living, enabling a fairer comparison across countries. Income Elasticity of Demand – lower-income populations are more sensitive to price changes, as a larger share of their earnings goes toward essential goods, including fuel.

Overlooking Income Levels have serious economic consequences. Neglecting income disparities when comparing oil prices can lead to flawed economic policies and social outcomes: Regressive Impact on Low-Income Groups – fuel price increases disproportionately affect lower-income households, exacerbating inequality if not addressed through targeted subsidies or assistance.

Social Unrest and Instability – perceived unfairness in fuel pricing policies, especially in low-income countries, has historically led to protests and political instability. Policy Misalignment – governments focusing solely on stabilizing oil prices might overlook broader socio-economic measures, such as increasing household incomes or improving energy efficiency.

To develop balanced energy policies, it is imperative to integrate income dynamics into oil price analyses which includes the following: Subsidy Reform: While subsidies can mitigate the impact of high oil prices, they should be targeted at low-income groups to ensure equitable benefits without straining public finances. Diversification of Energy Sources: Promoting renewable energy and reducing reliance on fossil fuels can shield vulnerable populations from volatile oil prices.

Strengthening Social Safety Nets: Expanding income support programs can alleviate the economic strain of high fuel costs on low-income households. Income Growth Strategies: Policymakers should emphasize raising median incomes through job creation, education, and economic diversification to improve overall affordability.

There are a number of global examples. To indicate the few, Norway: With high incomes and extensive social welfare programs, Norwegian households are less affected by high oil prices despite the country’s high fuel taxes. Nigeria: In contrast, low-income households in oil-exporting Nigeria struggle with affordability due to lower average incomes and inadequate social protections. India: Subsidies on liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) for low-income families demonstrate a targeted approach to mitigate the impact of rising oil prices.

To conclude, comparing oil prices without accounting for income levels presents an incomplete and often misleading picture of their socio-economic impact. Policymakers and analysts must adopt a holistic approach that incorporates income dynamics, purchasing power, and local economic conditions. By focusing on affordability rather than absolute prices, governments can craft equitable and effective policies that cushion the impact of oil price fluctuations on vulnerable populations while fostering economic stability.

Doing business in Ethiopia.

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Stress

We all experience a certain amount of stress, whether we live in the countryside, in Addis Abeba, in Ethiopia or elsewhere in the world. Although the factors that cause stress vary, there are many uncertainties that people face, like for example of food security, employment, conflict, violence, the environment, competition, security, and the costs of living.  At work, people are expected to adjust to competitive pressures, organizational restructuring, new technologies and the ever-present push for improved quality and productivity. Anybody reading this article will have experienced some of these pressures during their career at some point.

Change of any sort in organizations is often accompanied by increased stress for the people involved. Managers must thus be able to effectively deal with stress in their organization. Consider the following example from my own experience. Some years ago, the organization I worked for had hired a woman to head a department in the line of her competencies. Not long after, there was a strategic re-direction and she was given the opportunity – a nice way of saying that she was expected to – continue to head another department outside of her professional expertise and perhaps even her interest. She tried hard, struggled and found it difficult to manage this department well. I tried hard to encourage and coach her, but the gap was too big to bridge. One day I called her into my office, and I suggested that it may be better to let her go. While I expected her to protest, she instead sighed with relief and replied: “Perhaps I can now sleep again tonight.” She must have experienced quite some stress over a period of perhaps months. But what exactly is stress?

Stress is a state of tension experienced by individuals facing extraordinary demands, constraints, or opportunities. In the above example the organization’s demands from the department head were just too much and in fact it was not fair to expect her to do well managing a department outside of her experience.

All workers face stress to a certain extend and thus every manager must understand stress and how it operates in the workplace. 

Interesting enough, stress does not always act as a negative influence on our lives. There are in fact two faces to stress, one constructive and one destructive. Constructive stress acts in a positive way for the individual or organization. Moderate stress can increase effort, stimulate creativity and encourage diligence in one’s work. This kind of stress causes students to study hard for exams, pay attention in class and complete assignments on time. The same positive results of stress can be found in the workplace. Managers should therefore seek the positive performance edge offered by constructive stress. And they must at the same time be concerned about the potential for stress to impact workers and their performance negatively. One of the most difficult tasks here is to find the optimum stress points.

Destructive stress or distress is dysfunctional for the individual and the organization. Excessive high levels of stress can overload and break down a person’s physical and mental systems. Performance may suffer and workers experience illness brought on by very intense stress and they may react by being absent from work, making mistakes, causing accidents, dissatisfaction, reduced performance, or even unethical behaviour, like cheating. Did you ever get a receipt showing services that you never received? If you did, you probably assumed that the company was trying to get some extra money out of you. Instead, it may have been a fabrication of workers to make their performance look good to management on paper. Think again. 

Stressors are things that cause stress and can be classified into three categories: work factors, non-work factors and personal factors.

Work factors to stress include the following: unrealistic task demands, role ambiguities (the worker is not clear as to what is expected from him/her), role conflicts (the worker is expected to do different things at the same time), interpersonal conflicts, career development (too fast or too slow), and physical aspects (noise, overcrowding, temperature, air pollution etc.).

Non-work factors causing stress that can spill over into performance include family issues (perhaps somebody died or on a happier note, a new child is born), economic difficulties (costs of living, the school fees, that must be paid) and personal affairs (a separation or divorce for example). Since it is often difficult to completely separate work and private life, stress of this sort can indeed affect the way people feel and behave at work and at home.

Finally, there are personal factors causing stress such as individual needs, capabilities and personality. People react to stress differently and stress can reach a destructive state more quickly for example by highly emotional people or by those with a low self-esteem. Also, people who experience a good fit between their job requirements and their skills have a higher level of tolerance for stress than those who feel less competent as a result of a person-job mismatch.

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