Breaking barriers in Ethiopian Athletics
Elias Abi Chacra, a 75-year-old retired academic with a PhD in Geography and a master’s in Sport Science, has dedicated his post-retirement years to transforming Ethiopian athletics. Drawing from decades of experience as an athlete, coach, and educator in both Ethiopia and France, Elias founded the Black Panther Athletics Sports Club to address the country’s long-standing struggles in sprinting, jumping, and throwing events. In this candid interview, Elias discusses the roots of Ethiopia’s athletic challenges, the misconceptions holding back strength training, and his vision for developing a new generation of elite athletes. He also shares insights on nutrition, coaching, and the systemic reforms needed for Ethiopia—and Africa as a whole—to compete on the world stage. Excerpts;
Capital: You have two different qualifications; it seems strange that you have a MA degree in Sports as well as a PhD in Geography. How come you specialized in two domains that have nothing to do with each other?
Elias: When I was a student, I was an athlete competing in the 100 meters, the Shot put and the Discus throws. I was the National High School record holder in the two throws in 1971. Once I went to France for my University studies, I continued to practice Athletics. As there was no Athletics playground in my university, I had to travel 15 Km from the campus to find a training field. Discouraged I switched to Karate. Here I continued practicing for years and finished as the head of the Regional Martial Arts Academy where I was responsible of the training of the future Martial Arts instructors. I successfully passed my 1st and 2nd degree professional coaching license. I was the head of the university Karate club for three decades. I also participated in some competitions in France, in Italy and the USA. I was hired by the Regional French Ministry of Youth and Sports to give courses of Anatomy, Doping, Fair play and Sports Administration for the future professional sport instructors. After the fall of the Derg, I came back and started giving courses to the sports family of different federations.
Capital: How do you run your club Black Panther Athletics Sports Club?
Elias: To my athletes I was clear from the start. My first priority is to feed them the best I can, then bring them material support by bringing them sportswear and if all is good some pocket money. For the moment I can satisfy only the first condition.
Capital: You said that you have created an Athletics club: what was your aim opening an Athletics club?
Elias: Frankly speaking I was fed up by the dismal results of our Athletics only shining in the long distance events. Our country has no Sprinters, Throwers or Jumpers reaching the continental level. Our national sprinter can’t even match with the female world class sprinters! Our 400 meters record is 57 years old which was established at the Mexico Olympic Games in 1968! Not a single athlete has scored the minima in Short distance Sprints, Throws and Jumps for the African Athletics Championship. Unfortunately many people think that we Ethiopians are not genetically fit for Sprints, Jumps and Throws. This false belief is widely spread amongst the population and the sport circles and continues to poison the conception of modern training.
Capital: How can you overturn this wrong thinking?
Elias: The sport family here in Ethiopia in general has a very bad perception of Strength Training (ST). In Exercise Physiology which is the backbone of scientific training, it is generally accepted that when the duration of an event is short, the roles of Strength, Force and Power are very important. The duration of a Throw is between 1.5 to 3 seconds, a Jump from 5 to 8 seconds and a Sprint less than 10 seconds. ST can represent 70% of Throws, 40 to 50% in Jumps and Sprints. ST is not as simple as you think. Going to the Gym and push, pull, lift weights is not as simple as that. You have to evaluate your maximum strength following a strict training protocol under a qualified coach, then build a training program which you have to follow at least 3 times a week and every two months revise and reevaluate your new condition which has progressed. The ST to be efficient must be accompanied with an adapted diet which focuses especially on protein intake (without neglecting the Carbohydrate intake as well as that of Fat).
Capital: Why focus on protein intake?
Elias: ST has a temporary negative effect on muscle tissue provoking micro traumas which are fortunately reversible with a good diet that focuses on sufficient protein intake. The Food and Agricultural Organization has issued that each person has to take daily 1 gram of protein per kilo of bodyweight. A deficit of protein intake will hamper muscle growth. Heavy weight training provokes heavy micro traumas on muscle and in order to counter this, an athlete has to take from 1.5 to 2.5 grams of protein per kilo of bodyweight daily. Protein can come from plant and animal origin. The human body assimilates animal protein better than plant protein. Unfortunately animal protein (meat from poultry, cattle) is expensive. Many clubs keep feeding their athletes with the same diet that is used by mid and long distance runners! Based on this way of thinking, never expect Ethiopia to produce elite Sprinters, Jumpers or Throwers. The local coaches have a backward attitude concerning ST. This way of thinking has caused a lot of damage in different sports. Our football players flee ST just as if it is a contagious disease like Ebola! Sport Science experts predict that to run a marathon under two hours ST is essential. Strength is an important component of Speed.
Capital: What is your daily need of protein?
Elias: To make it simple I shall take eggs to calculate the daily protein intake. Weighing 6 grams per egg, for a person weighing 60 kilos, he needs to eat daily the equivalent of 10 eggs (60 grams protein for 60 Kg of bodyweight). A sprinter has to take the equivalent of 15 eggs and a thrower 25 eggs in a total of three to 5 daily meals. This means 150 birs for a mid and long distance runner, 225 birs for a sprinter and 375 birs for a Thrower daily. I didn’t count the Carbohydrate and Fat consumption for each day. Calculate if you feed your athlete 3 times a week during ST days. The rest of the week, don’t expect him to feed his body with prayer and holy water and this digs the budget! With the budget at my disposal, I had to say goodbye to Sprinters and Throwers. The Ethiopian paradox is that we have the most important livestock of the continent but unfortunately meat is very expensive. In France where I lived, the government has brought different alternatives to bring cheap protein to the working class population like fish, poultry and pork. In one century the average male height has grown by 13 centimeters due to sufficient protein intake.
Capital: How are you looking at the future?
Elias: If I could get a sponsor that can invest in this project it would be good. If not the only chance I have is to produce a good mid or long distance runner and take advantage of the financial contribution that it brings to the club. As the French say “hope keeps us alive” (l’espoir fait vivre).
Capital: What percentage of the national budget is allocated to sports development annually, and how does it compare to other sectors like education and health.
Elias: Difficult to compare heavy weights like the Ministry of Education with 32 billion birs and Health with 5.2 billion birs when the Sport movement is run with just 200 million birs (75 % allocated for the national academy). Clearly the priority is given to ministries that can change the future of the country, sport must wait. It is high time that the private sector intervene and alleviate the burden from the government shoulders. Some giant companies like EAL (50 years ago it had a performing football club and an Athletics section) and Ethio Telecom can help. When Eritrea was still a province of Ethiopia, Tele Asmara was a very famous football club with the first goal scored in the 3rd Africa Cup-only continental cup won by Ethiopia-by Tekle.
Capital: What long-term strategy does the government have for developing elite athletes and positioning sports as a contributor to national development?
Elias: When the Ethiopian Sport Academy here in Addis Ababa Gerji was created, the aim was to produce world class athletes that could generate income. The dream was big especially forming future professional football players that could try their chance in prestigious Western leagues. The result is way below the expectations. The structure has produced players for the female national team. Where is the national team? Nowhere to be found. The coaches are pure products of the National Football Federation. And what are the results of our national football squad: nil! A a local proverb says: it is just trying to collect dung where cattle have not grazed.
Capital: How many world-class training centers or academies are currently operational in Ethiopia, and are there plans to develop more?
Elias: There are academies in the country (Assela, Addis Ababa, Sululta). It is quite presumptuous to classify these structures as world-class (lack of sophisticated training as well as evaluation material, qualified coaches, nutrition etc)! Our sport has encountered a difficult moment where our international results (Olympics, World Championship) are below of the usual rank we used to have.
Capital: How is the government ensuring that sports federations and associations are free from corruption and nepotism?
Elias: This is a very tough question. Some federations are seriously infected by corruption where coaches, club management, journalists and agents are seriously involved. We have seen the recent Olympic scandal concerning the Athletics Federation which to this date is the sole efficient sport federation of the country. The big problem concerning sport federations here is that government cadres occupy posts without any knowledge of the sport they are involved in. The National Olympic Committee should encourage former athletes and coaches as it is done in other countries by giving them management courses to run effectively the federation. We must not be against a wealthy businessman who loves the sport and who wants to get involved and help a federation. He must only be supported by competent persons who know the specific sport.
Capital: What comprehensive strategies are needed to develop African athletes into globally competitive professionals, addressing systemic gaps from grassroots to elite levels?
Elias: Countries must have a clear policy to select athletes at an early age and especially never burn stages. They must refrain from cheating in international competitions which is the main reason of major setbacks concerning long-term athlete’s development strategy. They must especially pay attention on the qualifications of their coaches which have to possess the latest knowledge useful to produce excellent athletes. A clear survey of the potential of each region concerning sport specialties must be conducted leading to the creation of elite training centers where needed. Well-equipped training centers are a must to produce elite athletes.
Capital: How can African governments, private sector actors, and sports federations collaborate to create a sustainable pipeline for athletic excellence—from talent identification in rural communities to world podium success—while ensuring long-term career viability for athletes?
Elias: A government can’t bear the total responsibility to develop and promote sports in the country. A favorable situation must be created by the government to encourage the private sector enter in this business. In sports where an important financial support is needed like Football, the private sector can play a crucial role. When well organized, sports like Football can produce a return on investment that encourages the private sector to participate. Federations must be clean from corruption that helps the private sector to participate. A joint venture government/private sector is the best solution to bring sports at a high level of development.
Capital: What lessons can African sports systems adopt from nations like Jamaica (track) or Croatia (football) that punched above their weight?
Elias: Here is an example of a country that specialized in Sprint events for both sexes. They even beat the USA, the country which has been for decades the kingdom of Short distance events. Very qualified coaches and efficient talent detection has helped Jamaica reign on short distance sprints. Croatia was successful since the 1998 Football World Cup and has used this momentum to develop a talent identification program like that used in Europe. The excellent level of qualification of their coaches has guaranteed this success. Africa must adopt the same winning strategy as these two countries.
Capital: Why has Africa—with its vast talent pool—under performed in Olympic medal counts, and what systemic fixes would change this?
Elias: First of all Africa participates in limited events. Sport events like Fencing, Swimming; Gymnastics are seldom practiced by African athletes because of lack of adequate facilities. Even in Athletics, rare are the Africans participating in all the Throwing and Jumping events (Ethiopia has specialized in mid and long distance events only from 5000 to the Marathon). Sport is an urban phenomena and most of the African countries are overwhelming rural societies. So it is not surprising to see that the medal tally is limited.
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Granting immunity to investigators risks Rule of Law—and sets a dangerous global precedent
The House of People’s Representatives this week passed a proclamation granting conditional immunity to investigators engaged in money laundering and terrorism financing probes. Under Article 5/15 of the new law, investigators are shielded from criminal prosecution for offenses—excluding murder—committed during their duties, so long as such acts were involuntary or unavoidable. While the stated aim is to empower law enforcement in the fight against financial crimes and terrorism, this legislation raises profound concerns about accountability, human rights, and Ethiopia’s obligations under international law.
At its core, the new proclamation creates a legal grey zone. It gives state agents a sweeping shield from prosecution for potentially serious crimes, provided they claim their actions were “beyond their control or without their consent.” This is not a minor technicality. It is a fundamental shift in the balance between state power and individual rights—a shift that, if left unchecked, could erode the very foundations of the rule of law.
International legal standards recognize some forms of immunity for state officials, particularly diplomats and foreign representatives, to ensure the effective functioning of international relations. However, such immunities are narrowly defined and come with clear limitations. Even diplomats are required to respect the laws of the host country, and immunities can be waived in cases of serious crimes.
More relevant to the Ethiopian context is the debate over immunity for criminal conduct during undercover investigations. The United Kingdom’s Covert Human Intelligence Sources (Criminal Conduct) Act 2021, for example, allows certain authorities to authorize criminal conduct by undercover agents, but this has been met with significant controversy and demands for strict oversight. The international community has consistently warned that unchecked immunity risks enabling abuse, undermining public trust, and violating fundamental rights.
The most troubling aspect of Ethiopia’s new law is the precedent it sets. Granting blanket immunity to state agents—even with the caveat of excluding murder—echoes the legal architecture that has enabled impunity for serious human rights violations elsewhere. The international prohibition of torture, for example, is a jus cogens norm: a peremptory rule from which no derogation is permitted. Courts and human rights bodies have repeatedly held that state immunity cannot shield officials from accountability for torture and other grave abuses.
The logic is clear: if the law allows agents to escape prosecution for acts committed “involuntarily” or “unavoidably,” what safeguards exist to prevent those acts from including torture, cruel treatment, or other serious abuses? The risk is not hypothetical. History is replete with examples of states using the language of necessity or national security to justify the unjustifiable. Immunity provisions, when left unchecked, have been used to excuse torture, enforced disappearances, and other violations that international law unequivocally prohibits.
Supporters of the new proclamation may argue that undercover operations are essential in combating sophisticated financial crimes and terrorism. They may point to international examples where limited immunity is granted to protect agents working in dangerous, high-stakes environments. But the international norm is clear: such immunity must be strictly limited, subject to judicial oversight, and never extend to serious human rights violations.
This law’s broad language—shielding investigators from prosecution for any act except murder, so long as it was “unavoidable”—is dangerously vague. It opens the door to abuse, makes accountability nearly impossible, and undermines the principle that no one is above the law.
To draw a parallel: if a state were to pass a law granting immunity to officials for acts of torture committed during investigations, the international community would rightly condemn it as a violation of peremptory norms. The law, by offering blanket immunity for a wide range of offenses, risks falling into the same trap. It creates a culture of impunity, where the ends justify the means, and where victims of abuse are left without recourse.
Ethiopia has legitimate concerns about money laundering and terrorism financing. But the solution cannot be to weaken the rule of law or abandon international standards. Effective law enforcement and respect for human rights are not mutually exclusive; in fact, they are mutually reinforcing.
The government should revisit the proclamation and introduce robust safeguards such as clearly defining the scope of permissible conduct, the limits of immunity and ensure that victims of abuse have access to justice and effective remedies, and explicitly prohibit immunity for acts that violate international human rights norms, including torture, cruel treatment, and arbitrary detention.
Ethiopia’s partners and the international community must also speak out. Silence in the face of creeping impunity is complicity. Upholding the rule of law and protecting human rights are not optional—they are obligations under international law.
The government’s desire to strengthen its fight against financial crimes is understandable. But granting investigators near-blanket immunity is not the answer. International experience shows that unchecked immunity leads to abuse, undermines justice, and erodes public trust. The lessons from the global struggle against torture are clear: no official, no matter how noble their mission, should be above the law. Ethiopia must choose the path of accountability, not impunity.
Israel’s war on Iran is not about nuclear weapons
It is, and has always been, about regime change and breaking the Axis of Resistance
By Robert Inlakesh
The claim that has been adopted by the United States, Israel and its European partners, that the attack on Iran was a “pre-emptive” attempt to stop Tehran from acquiring nuclear weapons, is demonstrably false. It holds about as much weight as the allegations against Iraq’s Saddam Hussein in 2003 and this war of aggression is just as illegal.
For the best part of four decades, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been claiming that Iran is on the verge of acquiring a nuclear weapon. Yet, every single attempt to strike a deal which would bring more monitoring and restrictions to Iran’s nuclear program has been systematically dismantled by Israel and its powerful lobbying groups in Western capitals.
In order to properly assess Israel’s attack on Iran, we have to establish the facts in this case. The Israeli leadership claim to have launched a pre-emptive strike, but have presented no evidence to support their allegations that Iran was on the verge of acquiring a nuclear weapon. Simply stating this does not serve as proof, it is a claim, similar to how the US told the world Saddam Hussein possessed weapons of mass destruction.
Back in March, the US Director of National Intelligence, Tulsi Gabbard testified before a Senate Intelligence Committee that the intelligence community “continues to assess that Iran is not building a nuclear weapon and Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has not authorized the nuclear weapons program he suspended in 2003.”
On top of this, Iran was actively participating in indirect negotiations with the US to reach a new version of the 2015 Nuclear Deal. Donald Trump announced Washington would unilaterally withdraw from the agreement in 2018, instead pursuing a “maximum pressure” sanctions campaign at the behest of Israel.
Despite the claims of Netanyahu and Trump that Iran was violating the Nuclear Deal, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) released a report which stated Iran was in full compliance with the deal at the time.
If you trace back every conversation with neo-conservatives, Israeli war hawks and Washington-based think tanks, their opposition to the Obama-era Nuclear Deal always ends up spiraling into the issues of Iran’s ballistic missile program and its support for regional non-State actors.
Israeli officials frequently make claims about Iran producing a nuclear weapon in “years”, “months” or even “weeks,” this has become almost second nature. Yet their main issue has always been with Iran’s support for groups like Hamas and Hezbollah, who strive for the creation of a Palestinian State.
Proof of this all is simple. Israel, by itself, cannot destroy Iran’s vast nuclear program. It is not clear the US can destroy it either, even if it enters the war. An example of the US’ ineffectiveness at penetrating Iranian-style bunkers, built into mountainous ranges, as many of Iran’s nuclear facilities are, was demonstrated through the American failure to destroy missile storage bases in Yemen with its bunker-buster munitions, which were dropped from B-2 bombers.
Almost immediately after launching his war on Iran, Netanyahu sent out a message in English to the Iranian people, urging them to overthrow their government in an attempt to trigger civil unrest. The Israeli prime minister has since all but announced that regime change is his true intention, claiming that the operation “may lead” to regime change.
Israel’s own intelligence community and military elites have also expressed their view that their air force alone is not capable of destroying the Iranian nuclear program. So why then launch this war, if it is not possible to achieve the supposed reason it was “pre-emptively” launched?
There are two possible explanations:
The first is that the Israeli prime minister has launched this assault on Iran as a final showdown in his “seven front war,” with which he hopes to conclude the regional conflict through a deadly exchange that will ultimately inflict damage on both sides.
In this scenario, the desired outcome would be to conclude the war with the claim that Netanyahu has succeeded at destroying or has significantly degraded Iran’s nuclear program. He would also throw in claims, like we already see him making, that huge amounts of Iranian missiles and drones were eliminated. This would also make the opening Israeli strike, which killed senior Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) commanders and nuclear scientists, make sense. It would all be the perfect blend of propaganda to sell a victory narrative.
On the other hand, the assumption would be that Tehran would also claim victory. Then both sides are able to show the results to their people and tensions cool down for a while. If you are to read what the Washington-based think-tanks are saying about this, most notably The Heritage Foundation, they speak about the ability to contain the war.
The second explanation, which could be an added bonus that the Israelis and US are hoping could come as a result of their efforts, is that this is a full-scale regime change war that is designed to rope in the US.
Israel’s military prestige was greatly damaged in the Hamas-led attack on October 7, 2023, and since that time there has been no victory achieved over any enemy. Hamas is still operating in Gaza and is said to have just as many fighters as when the war began, Hezbollah was dealt significant blows but is still very much alive, while Yemen’s Ansarallah has only increased its strength. This is an all round stunning defeat of the Israeli military and an embarrassment to the US.
As is well known, Iran is the regional power that backs all of what is called the Axis of Resistance. Without it, groups like Hezbollah and Hamas would be significantly degraded. Evidently, armed resistance to Israeli occupation will never end as long as occupied people exist and live under oppressive rule, but destroying Iran would be devastating for the regional alliance against Israel.
The big question however, is whether regime change is even possible. There is a serious question mark here and it seems much more likely that this will end up on a slippery slope to nuclear war instead.
What makes the Israeli-US claim that this war is somehow pre-emptive, for which there is no proof at all, all the more ridiculous of a notion, is that if anything, Iran may now actually rush to acquire a nuclear weapon for defensive purposes. If they can’t even trust the Israelis not to bomb them with US backing, while negotiations were supposed to be happening, then how can a deal ever be negotiated?
Even in the event that the US joins and deals a major blow to the Iranian nuclear program, it doesn’t mean that Iran will simply abandon the program altogether. Instead, Tehran could simply end up rebuilding and acquiring the bomb years later. Another outcome of this war could end up being Israeli regime change, which also appears as if it could now be on the table.
