Monday, October 6, 2025
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THE GOURMET CHEF

Chef Yohanis Gebreyesus is a world renowned Ethiopian Chef who also works in the hotel industry as a consultant for Hyatt Regency and Ethiopian Airlines. Many know him from his famous cooking shows that aired weekly on EBS called Chef Yohanis. He currently owns two restaurants namely, Weyra in Unity Park and AsaBet in front of Monarch Hotel. He is also an author of the critically acclaimed book called Ethiopia which has won two significant awards, Julia Child Firstbook Award 2020 and has received a medallion from The James Beard Foundation. This interview was conducted in his recently opened restaurant AsaBet that serves exquisite seafood with a menu curated by Chef Yohanis himself. Excerpts:

Capital: When did you know that you wanted to become a chef?
Chef Yohanis: I never had that aha moment. It almost feels like I ended up here by the course my life took. I am an artist at heart. I went to college for visual arts. I still paint. Two of my paintings are even hung up in this restaurant. When I finished college and came back here, I didn’t see what I could do with my degree. People who have art in the country are too few to really practice what I learned. Art isn’t a basic necessity but food is. One thing that I had noticed through was that there wasn’t enough being done with Ethiopian cuisine. I saw the potential to make it into something renowned as it should be. I asked myself why not combine food and art. At school, we were taught that art could be expressed in different ways; it might be through music, dance, painting and even food. I went back to France to join a culinary program in order to do so. I went to the US to work for a while. The job would’ve allowed me travel the world but I wanted to come back to my country and share my skills. I came back and started experimenting with different Ethiopian food. My family has also been in the hospitality business for almost 19 years now.

Capital: It seems like you’ve already done it all but what’s your goal?
Chef Yohanis: I want to show people that food is more than a basic necessity. It’s a human experience. You don’t just eat to feed your body; you eat to feed your soul. I want to change the fact that Ethiopia is known in the world stage for famine. Ethiopia has much more to offer to the world than just coffee. I wanted to only work with fish in this particular restaurant in order to show that a single type of food can be presented in so many different ways. Food is also expensive in this country. Since restaurants have to stock up on all the food on their menu, there’ll be so much wastage. It’s better to specialize in one thing so that you can excel in it than trying to cover everything and be basic at it all.

Capital: What advice would you give to the up and coming chefs?
Chef Yohanis: Chefs need to be very passionate about what they do. If they’re passionate, they’ll excel. They should also be talented in business and not just cooking. It’s not as easy as it looks to be successful. It takes a lot of dedication and a lot of people.

Capital: What are the challenges that you’ve faced so far?
Chef Yohanis: The construction of my restaurants was the most challenging experience I have had to go through. Contractors take their time and it’s very difficult to meet deadlines. People make promises they can’t keep. Excellence isn’t a concept that we have fully grasped as a society. Working with people is also challenging.

Capital: What makes your restaurant stand out in the food industry?
Chef Yohanis: It has different sections. I’ve designed it to have different areas for the take-away menu and sit and dine experience. It’s affordable as well. Our menu items range from 110 to 700 birr. The cutlery was also designed by me which I think is quite rare. Our fish consumption as an entire nation is too low. There are over 200 species of fish in Ethiopia. The city dwellers don’t even feed on more than 2 or 3 of these species of fish. We want consumers to rediscover this food.

Elections and economic policy

Elections are periodic events the timing of which may affect the incentives facing politicians. In particular, elections as events may disrupt policy. If elections affect policies both structurally and cyclically the empirical relationship between elections and policies may appear confused because of opposing effects. Elections may improve the average level of policies, yet worsen them in the short run. In this paper we try to disentangle the two effects.
Both casual empiricism and casual theorizing suggest that elections in developing countries have improved economic policies and economic governance. Yet this view often collides with the actual experience of individual elections. For example, the Kenyan election of December 2007 triggered a catastrophic implosion of the society, polarizing it on ethnic lines.
To date, the legacy of that election is a policy paralysis. The number of government ministers has been doubled with a resulting loss of policy coherence. In Zimbabwe the prospect of contested elections in 2002 and 2008 clearly failed to discipline the then President Mugabe into adopting good economic policies: he chose hyperinflation, using the revenues to finance patronage.
According to Dr. John Mutamba of Makerere University, the most celebrated economic reform episode in Africa is Nigeria in 2003-6, when a group of technocrats led by Ngozi Nkonjo-Iweala as Minister of Finance turned the economy around. This episode was ushered in by the replacement of a military dictator, General Abacha, with an elected president, Olusegun Obasanjo, suggesting that elections indeed improved government performance.
However, reform only began in President Obasanjo’s second and final term, when he no longer faced the discipline of an election. He told Nkonjo-Iweala that the window for reform was only three years, not the full four years of his term: as he said, “the last year will be politics”.
Indeed, that Nigeria failed to harness the first oil boom was primarily the responsibility of a democratic government, elected in 1978. That government adopted very poor economic policies, including borrowing heavily in order to finance public consumption; it was also famously corrupt. Despite its disastrous performance it was re-elected in 1983. As these examples suggest, in the conditions typical of many developing countries, elections may be two-edged swords. The effect of elections on policy in low-income countries is of considerable importance.
Since aid was first used conditionally to promote ‘Structural Adjustment’ in the 1980s the international community has recognized that policy improvement is fundamental to development. During the 1990s the approach to how good policies should be promoted shifted from conditionality, which was increasingly seen as both ineffective and unacceptable, to the promotion of democracy. Electorates rather than donors would coerce governments into good performance.
Dr. John Mutamba noted that at the core of the promotion of democracy was the promotion of elections. For example, in 2006 donors provided $500 million to finance elections in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. At a more pragmatic level, since elections periodize political decision taking, they might also periodize policy reform. Sometimes might be ripe for good policy. For example, it would be useful both to political leaders and to donors to know whether the year just prior to an election is indeed unsuited to policy reform as President Obasanjo evidently thought.
Dr. Allen Alesina of Norwich University focus on the consequences of ethnic diversity for growth and he find that diverse societies benefit significantly more from democracy than homogenous societies. Dr. John Collier of Leeds University on his research focus on the relationship between democracy and the risk of large-scale political violence and he find that whereas in developed economies democracy increases security, below an income threshold of around $2,700 per capita it significantly increases the risk of political violence.
Dr. John Collier also made a study focusing on the relationship between democracy and he economic performance of resource-rich countries. He find that whereas below a threshold of resource wealth democracy is significantly beneficial, above the threshold it significantly worsens performance. These results suggest that no simple model of how democracy affects economic policy may be globally applicable. Models designed to describe how elections affect political incentives in OECD societies may prove seriously misleading if applied to contexts such as Afghanistan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
In many developing countries governments are failing to provide their citizens with the rudiments of social provision and economic opportunities now considered both normal and feasible. A reasonable inference is that in such states the ruling politicians are either ill-motivated or incompetent. We focus directly on policies rather than on economic outcomes. The typical developing country is subject to large shocks that introduce much noise into the mapping from policy choices to outcomes.
Robert Besley stressed that elections can affect economic policy both through their effect on the incentives facing politicians and through selection. By making politicians accountable to citizens they increase the incentive to adopt socially beneficial economic policies. Selection is both a direct consequence of electoral choice and, more fundamentally, because if politicians are accountable the profession becomes more attractive for people who aspire to further the public good and less attractive for people who are ill-motivated.
Hence, through both incentives and selection elections may enhance political motivation to adopt good policies. Further, an elected government may face lower costs of doing so. By conferring legitimacy elections might make it easier to face down vested interests that oppose reform. However, in addition to the structural change of accountability, elections introduce friction.

A Tale of two invalidations: Contract and Bankruptcy

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Yehualashet Tamiru Tegegn

It’s true that contract is an indispensable instrument for effective exchange of goods and services between and among persons. However, not all contracts are genuine and valid in the eyes of the law. Thus, for various policy justifications the law indicated an instrument to invalidate such type of transactions. Under the general law of contract, the meaning, grounds, and effect of invalidation are indicated in the Civil Code. Whereas the commercial code indicates the meaning, grounds, and effects of invalidation of suspect transactions in the context of bankruptcy. In this piece, which inspired by a famous commissioner’s understanding in one of the infamous cases, I will briefly examine the basic difference between the two invalidations.
There are lots of differences between invalidation of contracts and invalidation of suspect transactions under bankruptcy regime. The following are the basic differences.
The first and foremost difference is on the ground of invalidation. Contract is defined under Article 1675 of the Civil Code as “an agreement between two or more parties to create, vary or extinguish an existing obligation of proprietary nature.” As per this provision all contracts are agreements, but not all agreements are contracts. Moreover, not all agreements are enforceable and valid in the eyes of the law and thereby raising the issue of defect or vices which might render the contract susceptible to invalidation or no effect at times. Defects in the consent and capacity in the contract makes the contract voidable (subject to invalidation) while defect in the object and form of contract makes the contract void from the very beginning. However, as Planiol pointed out the theory of nullities is one of the most obscure in the field of the civil law. Thus, any of the above-mentioned requirements lead to the invalidity of the contract.
However, invalidation of a certain transaction under the law of bankruptcy does not require the absence of any of the four requirements: consent, capacity, legality, and formality. Rather, the most important matter is whether the transaction has taken place within the suspected period. Even if the contract has fulfilled the requirements indicated under Article 1678 of the Civil Code, the underline transaction can still be invalidated under bankruptcy law. Thus, the presumption is that the trustee is basically reviewing and invalidating an otherwise valid transaction, but that it is examined to ascertain whether it should be upheld in the light of interests of other creditors.
The second difference is the type of transactions that are subject to invalidation. In general contract law, whatever the contract may be, it is subject to invalidation if it failed to meet the requirements put in place under Article 1678 of the Civil Code. The distinction is not made between type and nature of transactions.
However, under bankruptcy law only selected types of transactions are subject to invalidation. With the view to secure equitable, if not equal, treatment of creditors, the law also set-in place invalidation of suspect transactions otherwise known as avoidance law. Accordingly:
Gratuitous assignment;
Payments of debts not due, whether in set-off or otherwise in cash or by assignment, sale, set-off or otherwise;
Payments of debts due otherwise than in cash, by negotiable instrument or by transfer of a bank; and
Security set up on the property of the debtor in respect of debts contracted before the setting up of such securities;
that are made between fifteen days before the date of suspension of payments and the date of adjudication shall be invalid and shall not affect the creditors of the bankrupt.
Payments made by the debtor in respect of debts due and all acts for consideration entered into by the debtor after the date of suspension of payments may also be invalidated on the request of the trustee where the parties who have received payment or have dealt with the debtor did so knowing that suspension of payments had taken place.
Furthermore, any security registration effected after suspension of payment or within one month before suspension may be invalidated where more than one month has elapsed between the act creating the security and the date of registration.
The third difference is time of invalidation. Invalidation under general law of contract is concerned only at the commencement or formation stage. Needless to say, contracts have three stages: formation, performance and extinction. Thus, under the general law of contracts invalidation only takes place at the formation stage. If there is no defect during the formation stage, the concept of invalidation is inexistent.
In a clear contrast to this, invalidation under bankruptcy law, most of the time, is dealt with during the performance stage. For example, as per Article 1029(b) of the Commercial Code payment of debt not due in a means other than cash will be invalidated. This presupposes the existence of valid contract. It is clear that at this stage, the bankrupt debtor tries to perform his contractual obligations which come after the formation stage; the same holds true for other transactions which are listed under Article 1029 et seq of the Commercial Code.
The fourth difference is the effect of invalidation. As stipulated under Article 1815 of the Civil Code, if the contract is invalidated “the parties shall as soon as possible be reinstated to the position which would have existed, had the contract not been made”. In other words, it will have a retroactive effect and hence the party who takes money or property will be required to return it. The parties will be returned to their original position or zero position.
However, the main effect of invalidation in bankruptcy is the recovery of assets and relegation of secured creditors into unsecured creditors. The creditor who gets some form of benefit(s) from the bankrupt debtor will be required to return it and will receive his claims in pro rata with other creditors, if there is any asset left after preferred creditors and claimants are paid. Whereas, in the case of invalidation of security, the secured creditor becomes unsecured creditor hence he receives in pro rata in equality with other creditors. After invalidation of security, he is no more secured, and his priority right is taken away.
It is important to note that the effect of invalidation to recover the property transfers depends on, whether the transfer or obligation being avoided is (1) an outright transfer of property, or (2) a lien. If an outright transfer is avoided, the trustee will then attempt to recover either the specific property transfer or its value. If a lien is avoided, however, then in most case the lien simply is nullified, the formerly secured creditor is relegated to unsecured creditor. Secured status and the property are freed from the encumbrance. Thus, the second policy justification behind invalidation of suspect transactions is maximization of debtor asset which in turn is the common security of the whole creditors.
The last yet important difference is the purpose behind invalidation. The very purpose of invalidation under the general contract law is to protect the interest of the person whose consent and capacity is vitiated. In reinforcing this objective, the mastermind behind the Civil Code stated that “where the contracts invalidity results from a vice in consent, its purpose is to protect one, and only one of the contracting parties, i.e., the victim of error, fraud or duress or the person whose want simplicity of mind, senility, or manifested business in experience has been explored. In such case, only the person that the law intends to protect can invalidate the contract.” Thus, in this case it is only one of the parties, the victim, who can claim the invalidation. Under the general law of contract, the law aims to protect one party and that is the only purpose of invalidation.
However, invalidation of suspect transactions in bankruptcy has different purpose. One of the most important purposes of invalidation in bankruptcy is to create equality between creditors. Unlike civil proceedings, in the absence of any other means to effect payment of due debt the debtor property may be attached in satisfaction of debts and the creditors who make the first attachment are entitled to have priority to the full amount of his claim and the slower creditors always suffer the risk while assets are distributed to the other party who is more active, in bankruptcy proceedings the governing principle is equality of creditors and hence replace race of the most diligent with pro rata distribution of assets.
The other function is maximization of asset. One of the immediate effects of invalidation of suspect transaction is recovery of assets on which the creditors has already taken. This increases the asset of the bankrupt debtor.
Deterrence is another purpose. There is a temptation that in the absence of invalidation of suspect transactions, those creditors who are aware of the debtor’s insolvency, and thus the looming equal sharing regime, will seek to ‘opt-out’ of the collective proceeding and relative for the debtor’s assets to ensure payment in full.
All in all, invalidation is an important legal instrument employed under the Civil Code and Commercial Code for various and different policy justifications. The main purpose of invalidation in contract is to protect the victim whose consent or capacity has been vitiated. In case of bankruptcy proceeding, on the other hand, the purpose is to protect and enhance equitable treatment of creditors.

Virginia Berto

Name: Virginia Berto

Education: High school Diploma

Company name: BMV Trading Plc (Puroamore Gelato)

Title: Owner

Founded in: September, 2017

What it does: Italian artisan ice cream

HQ: Addis Ababa

Number of employees: 13

Startup Capital: 1 million birr

Current Capital: 4.5 million birr

Reasons for starting the business: The crisis in Europe made me come to Ethiopia

Biggest perk of ownership: Producing the Ice-cream ourselves, without relying on others

Biggest strength: We run the shop as a family

Biggest challenging: Getting a large space with a garden full of greenery

Plan: To expand our shop

First career: Saleswoman in a bags and accessories shop in Italy

Most interested in meeting: No one in particular

Most admired person: All African women

Stress reducer: Group classes in the gym, such as Yoga, Zumba dance

Favorite past time: Walking in a park

Favorite book: The House of the Spirits by Isabel Allende

Favorite destination: All places of seas and forests

Favorite automobile: Jeep