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Political and economic uncertainty

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Uncertainty surrounding economic policy has been a topic of increasing importance over the past decades around the world. A multitude of events including wars, financial crises, and pandemics have pushed governments to respond in unprecedented ways, including large fiscal expansions, unconventional monetary policies, new regulations and a new legislative agenda.
At the same time, there has been a widening gap between political actors, parties, and coalitions. These gaps involve disagreement about broad economic policies, both in terms of the objectives of policy but also the means to attain them in response to any given crisis. As a result, the policy regime in effect depends heavily on which party currently has control of government and elections have come to be of primary importance when projecting the path of future economic policy.
Scott Baker of Northwestern University stated that elections represent a key source of uncertainty that can affect the investment, spending, and hiring decisions of both firms and individual households. National elections represent one of the clearest signals about the future of a country’s economic policy over the following years. In the months leading up to an election, policies are generally proposed by candidates and expectations about who may win the election may evolve rapidly.
Scott Baker noted that particularly for elections that may hinge on just a few percent of the vote, an election may represent an important shock to the policy and investment environment. In recent years, examples of the both uncertain and consequential nature of elections abound. For instance, consider recent elections such as those in Australia in which Tony Abbott was elected as Prime Minister in 2014, Narendra Modi elected as Prime Minister of India in 2014, Donald Trump elected as President of the United States in 2016, Jair Bolsonaro elected as President of Brazil in 2018, and Boris Johnson elected as Prime Minister of United Kingdom in 2019.
In each of these elections, competing candidates offered starkly different policy proposals, and the change in leadership led to marked changes in economic policies. Many of the results of these elections were unforeseen even days before the election itself. However, elections are not always so dramatic or consequential. In the United States, voters did not see the two primary parties as especially far apart in the 1960s and 1970s. In contemporary Germany and Austria, voters do not see the policy proposals of mainstream parties of right and left as substantially different, and in fact, these parties routinely form “grand coalitions” with one another.
According to Aniket Baksy of Stanford University, voters’ perceptions of the parties in some Northern European democracies are becoming less polarized over time. Yet in the United States and several other democracies, voters have come to see the parties’ platforms as much further apart today than in the past, and they have grown quite hostile in their evaluations of the out-party. In the United States, Aniket Baksy noted a strong correspondence between the trend toward increasing polarization of Congressional voting behavior, increasingly polarized perceptions of the parties’ platforms, and a striking secular increase in policy uncertainty since the 1960s.
As voters and investors come to see the parties as further apart, uncertainty about the potential path of economic policy in the years ahead is magnified. Beyond long-run trends in uncertainty about economic policy, elections matter for driving short-term swings in uncertainty within an electoral cycle. The extent to which elections may drive more significant swings in economic policy means that firms are increasingly exposed to an ‘electoral business cycle’.

The classic political economy literature hypothesized that opportunistic incumbents would attempt to use fiscal and monetary policy to increase economic growth immediately before elections. However, this effect could easily be undone or reversed if policy uncertainty in the pre-election period leads to lower investment. Aniket Baksy Baker demonstrate that firms often adopt a ‘wait-and-see’ approach to dealing with uncertainty, ceasing investments and new hiring while they wait for uncertainty to resolve.
Steven Davis from Chicago Booth School of Business use OECD data since the 1970s to demonstrate that investments with high costs of reversal are delayed in the immediate pre-election period, especially when elections are close, and when the parties’ platforms are far apart. Steven Davis noted that economic policy uncertainty consistently rises in periods near elections. Across all countries, study finds increases of 13% relative to the months preceding or following the election period.
Focusing on more detailed data from the United States, study finds that this trend is not common to all elections. Many elections are associated with little change in uncertainty about economic policy. For instance, elections in which the electorate is not substantially polarized do not tend to produce as much uncertainty, suggesting that who is in charge is less impactful than how divergent economic policies might be in the case of a win. Moreover, elections that are not ‘close’ tend not to provoke substantial increases in uncertainty.
For these elections, expectations about economic policies from the winning party are likely already crystalized. Since polarization has steadily increased in recent years and presidential elections are more frequently close, election-related spikes in uncertainty have become an important feature of the country’s investment environment.

Hiwot Tsegaye Alene

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Name: Hiwot Tsegaye Alene

Education: Degree in Marketing Management

Company Name: Boqa Leather

Title: CEO

Founded in: 2019

What it does: Provide high quality of handmade leather bags

HQ: Addis Ababa (Megenagna, Gurdeshola)

Number of employees: 10 permanent, 3 part-time

Startup Capital: 100,000 ETB

Current capital: 1,000,000 ETB

Reason for starting: Getting tired of working for other people

Biggest perk of ownership: Working to fulfill my dream and improve my skills

Biggest strength: My supporting family

Biggest Challenges: Financial issues, society acceptance for local products

Plan: Establishing a training institute for a leather workshop training

First Career: School Secretary

Most interested in Meeting: President Sahle-work Zewde

Most admired person: Yetnebersh Nigussie

Stress reducer: Walking, driving and listening music

Favorite Past time: Helping my mother in the house

Favorite book: The Secret by Rhonda Byrne

Favorite destination: Nature, especially the beach and forest

Favorite Automobile: Hyundai, Tucson

WTM Africa unveils second edition of the responsible tourism awards

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WTM Africa has had an excellent response to the WTM Responsible Tourism Awards this year – with some inspiring, innovative and scalable solutions from the African region to tackle the challenges of sustainability.
The best African entries will be included in the Global Gold Awards that are currently being assessed by the global judging panel.
Although the global awards will be announced on 01 November in London during a virtual event, the Gold winners from Africa will only be announced in April next year during the WTM Africa show in the host City of Cape Town.
“With so many valuable contributions, we are proud to share that there will be a second edition of the WTM Africa Responsible Tourism Award, with the winners announced on 13 April 2022 during our live event,” says Megan Oberholzer, RX Africa (Reed Exhibitions) South Africa Portfolio Director – Travel, Tourism & Creative Industries.

  • “Those applying for the global award are automatically put forward for the Africa edition. But we want to hear even more stories. There are so many incredible initiatives in Africa that deserve to be showcased as leading examples of responsible tourism. And you now have until 28 February 2022 to share your initiatives with us,” Oberholzer adds.
    This year’s categories reflect the relationship between tourism, responsibility and COVID-19:
  • Decarbonising Travel & Tourism
  • Sustaining Employees and Communities through the Pandemic
  • Destinations Building Back Better Post-Covid
  • Increasing Diversity in Tourism: How Inclusive is our Industry?
  • Reducing Plastic Waste in the Environment
  • Growing the Local Economic Benefit

“The ambition of the Responsible Tourism Awards is to encourage businesses to learn from the leaders and to be inspired to do what they can to make tourism better – better for our environment and local communities. The WTM Responsible Tourism’s Platform for Change is being developed to show businesses and destinations the proven solutions which have been tried and tested,” says Harold Goodwin, WTM’s Responsible Tourism Advisor.
Launched in 2002, the awards seek to recognise and reward businesses and destinations which are contributing to a more sustainable and responsible tourism industry, based on the simple principle that all types of tourism, from niche to mainstream, can and should be organised in a way that preserves, respects and benefits destinations and local people.
“Africa is a leading example for responsible tourism, and the awards provide a platform for worthy initiatives to get well-deserved international and regional recognition,” concludes Oberholzer.

Ethiopia’s Loss of AGOA could sink the harvests of AGOA itself: The faux pas

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By Ermias Wodejao
Did preferential access durably boost African export performance? Based on product-level data for 208 countries exporting to the US, over the period 1992-2017, show that complementary domestic reforms have the highest impact on durability of the benefits accrued during the preference period. The establishment of effective special economic zones, which combined liberal trade regimes with ease of doing business and improved infrastructure, is believed to have been the reason for the success of Kenya and Ethiopia. In addition, growth of Ethiopia in their exports of apparel to the US were driven largely by new exporters that entered the market after 2010, rather than by incumbent exporters that had benefitted from large preference margins during the early AGOA period. In conclusion, industry-level or country-level improvements or reforms coupled with AGOA have the long lasting export boosting effect than the preference itself. Hence, lifting (removing) AGOA, during industry level or country level improvement or reform operating in Ethiopia, is going bust on the booming apparel exporting economy of the country and mislay 20 years of preference harvest.
A couple days ago, U.S. global trade representative, Katherine Tai said Washington would “soon” decide on Ethiopia’s status under AGOA. Tai was quoted as saying: “Reports coming back to us through official channels and civil society are not encouraging. What is happening in Ethiopia is a humanitarian crisis.” This stand makes it imminent by the fact that the Act authorized the United States Trade Representative (USTR) to exercise the authority provided to the President. The US President has the mandate and power to evaluate eligible AGOA beneficiaries annually in the first month of the year. Hence, USA president decision on Ethiopia’s continuity of eligibility, or enlisting otherwise, is expected to be pronounced by January 2022.
The main purpose this article is to set a clear data driven, evidence based and persuasive economic and legal arguments as to the obscure stand of USA on Ethiopia’s “progress” and the stand for existence of “humanitarian crisis” is unacquainted with the “progressive” objectives of AGOA. On the issue of “making continual progress” requirement, for the purpose of analyzing the US Trade representative warning, the two requirements are very crucial for detail analysis. These are: (A) a country shall not engage in activities that undermine United States national security or foreign policy interests; and (B) a country shall not engage in gross violations of internationally recognized human rights or provide support for acts of international terrorism and cooperates in international efforts to eliminate human rights violations and terrorist activities.
The African Growth and Opportunity Act (title I of Public Law 106-200) (AGOA), is a unilateral textile preference for ‘lesser developed beneficiary sub-Saharan African country’ under the favorable third country fabric rules of origin and only Sub-Saharan African countries are considered for eligibility. It is a unilateral agreement offered by the US government, beneficiaries have no power to negotiate. Beneficiary countries have no recourse to dispute settlement in this regard, and this unpredictability is one aspect that differentiates AGOA’s non-reciprocal preferences to those contained in reciprocal and bilateral trade agreements.
The Unprecedented Solitary enlisting warning against Ethiopia
The following are those sub-Saharan African countries that were initially or in progress eligible of AGOA but removed (suspended) from the eligibility list. Those countries, with the alleged eligibility violations, mainly include: Burundi (political violence, arbitrary arrest, mass killing of opposition during and after election of Nkurunziza), Cameroon (failure to address concerns regarding persistent human rights violations being committed by security forces), Equatorial Guinea (income graduation), Eritrea (human rights), Mauritania (response to a military coup in August 2009 that toppled a democratically elected president), DRC (alleged human rights violations under former president Joseph Kabila but reinstated in 2020), Seychelles(income graduation), Swaziland (U.S. government’s growing concerns over insufficient progress toward certain democratic standards), Mali and Guinea-Bissau (both were hit by a coup in 2011), South Sudan (upon political violence but not clearly mentioned in President Barrack Obama’s decision), Rwanda (upon Rwanda ban on imports of used clothing and leather products from USA). Niger, CAR and Gambia was also suspended for failure to progress on establishing effective visa systems and related customs procedures requirement of the relevant AGOA legislation.
As you may have noted very well, there is no any Africa country suspended of AGOA on the basis of gross human right violation upon a military operation by a legitimate democratically elected central government against a base of a group designated by the central legislative body as a“terrorist”. In addition, based on the following justifications, the assessment and conclusion reached by the US government on current Ethiopia situation as “gross humanitarian crisis” and “inability to make any progress” will be unjustified.
The final report of the established joint UN and Ethiopian Human Rights Commission investigation finding on the type, nature and character of human right violation on Tigray is expected to be published on 1 November 2021. UN Human Rights Chief, Michelle Bachelet, on 13 September 2021, cases documented comprises multiple allegations of human rights violations committed by all parties to the conflict in Tigray. The word “multiple allegations of human rights” could not be equated with “gross violation” of human rights.
The final conclusion (report) as to the type, nature, violating party, and character of the human right violation is expected in the coming November. Hence, earlier conclusive remark made by the US Global trade representative on “human right violation” were too early to call and unfortunately grudged to spell “progresses” made. In addition, the debate about the operational meaning of “gross violation” of human rights is far from being concluded under international law. In addition, the AGOA act abstained from clearly defining this concept, but also the necessity of establishing clear criteria to assess the extent of violation as amounting to “gross violation” of human rights. The terms “gross,” “flagrant,” “massive,” “systematic,” or “serious” violations of human rights are often interchangeably or cumulatively used by both international legal instruments and quasi-judicial bodies. Several elements need to be taken into account while assessing the seriousness of a violation, including: the type of the violated rights and the character of the violation, the quantity of victims, the repeated occurrence of the violation and its planning, and the failure of the government to take appropriate measures relating to the violation in question. According to the International Law Commission; Van Boven and Chernichenko, there are two criteria: the first concerns “the character of the obligation breached,” which derives from a peremptory norm of general international law; the second involves “the intensity of the breach”: the nature of rights violated (peremptory rights), and the character of the violation (cruelty of the breach). The Human rights Chief comment on multiple allegations of human rights by both parties could not be considered as indicator of failure on the part of the government to make “progress” on avoiding, minimizing or halting the conflict. Based on the information gathered from Ethiopian Disaster Prevention and Preparedness Commission, 80% of essential humanitarian assistance is still provided by the federal government and private sector.
The suspension of Ethiopia from eligibility in a form of sanction not only undermines the relationship between Addis Ababa and Washington, halts the continuous, progressive and promising reform support immediately needed to improve the current human right and economic reform efforts of Ethiopia and deteriorates overall situation of East Africa.
Most of East African countries, except Ethiopia and Kenya, are ineligible at all (Sudan, Somalia, Eritrea) or ineligible (South Sudan gained in 2012 and lost in 2015). Ethiopia and Kenya are the only East African country eligible throughout the 20 years of AGOA having an official AGOA utilization Strategy, scoring 81.9% in taking advantage of AGOA to increase exports, on the basis of ‘key markets’ research conducted by USITD. Increase in apparel exports by Ethiopia is directly the result of US imports of apparel under AGOA increasing by 9.9 per cent annually to $1.2 billion from 2016 to 2018. Ethiopia spent USD 1.5 billion to build 13 industrial parks with total exports valued at USD 730 million in which 70 % of the total exports made through the AGOA privilege. The 24 parks directly employ 85,000 work forces. Hawassa Industrial Park, where the engagement of local investors with 20 foreign companies is on the increase and over 96 percent of the products go to the US market, secured USD 114 million from export of masks to Europe and USA.
In the past three years, Ethiopian government have made a significant progress on creating market economy and free liberal market that mainly include: launching home grown economic reform with a more liberal investment legislative amendments, public enterprises privatization, fully opening telecom sector for foreign investors, more stable and efficient macro-economic and banking directives. Ethiopia held free, fair and democratic election on June 2021 and formed a new government and cabinet on late September 2021. The elected government set a nationwide dialogue, said to bring together the various political interests in the country, to be held in early November 2021. Hence, the decision of Ethiopia’s eligibility suspension will be indicator of USA government withdrawal of attention from overall objective of AGOA and the eligibility requirement of “progress”.
The Expected way forward
It must also be noted well that the US President also may withdraw, suspend, or limit the application of duty-free treatment with respect to specific articles from a country if he determines that it would be more effective in promoting compliance with AGOA eligibility requirements than terminating the designation of the country as a beneficiary sub-Saharan African country. Hence, based on the above facts, it is expected that the global trade representative and president will qualify Ethiopia for 2022 eligibility without any conditions.
Since its enactment in 2000, the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) has been at the core of U.S. economic policy and commercial engagement with Africa. Imports from sub-Saharan Africa to the US under AGOA amounted to $12 billion in 2018 and accounted for nearly half of total US imports from the region, with Nigeria, South Africa, Angola, Chad and Kenya as the top exporters under the AGOA provisions.

The writer can be reached via wodajolaws@gmail.com