Saturday, October 11, 2025
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Ethiopia drawn in CECAFA U-17 death group

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Kenya and Uganda have been pooled in Group B of the Cecafa U17 Championship following a draw that was conducted in Arusha, Tanzania.
The two leading teams in the U17 qualifiers – that will be staged in Rwanda – will qualify to represent the zone in the Africa Cup of Nations (Afcon) U17 tournament. The junior Afcon tournament will be held in Morocco in 2021.
Ethiopia are the other opponents in a group that is expected to be the toughest especially taking into account the recent rivalry between Kenya and the Uganda Cubs.
Tanzania have been drawn alongside Sudan and Djibouti in Group C whereas Rwanda, Eritrea, and South Sudan are in Group A.
The championship has been scheduled to take place between December 13 to December 28 in Rwanda where the Cecafa Kagame Club Cup was held in 2019.
The top team in each group and the best runners-up will qualify for the semi-finals.
Meanwhile, Cecafa also conducted the draw for the U20 competition that will be held in Tanzania.
Kenya have avoided Uganda in the group stage as they landed in a pool that has northern neighbours Ethiopia and Sudan and this is the only group with three participants.
Tanzania, Rwanda, Somalia, Djibouti are in Group A whereas Group B is expected to be a rather smooth-sailing journey for Uganda given that they have been pooled alongside Burundi, Eritrea, and South Sudan.
The three top teams in Group A and B will enter the quarter-finals where they will be joined by the two top teams from Group C. The winner of the U20 competition will seal a place in the U20 Afcon tournament set to be held in Mauritania in 2021.
The tournament has been scheduled to be played from November 22 to December 6 before the focus will shift to the U17 competition.
No country has so far confirmed to participate nor pulled out of the tournament as the focus is now in the upcoming Afcon double-headers set for November.
Cecafa U17 Groups
Group A: Rwanda, Eritrea, South Sudan
Group B: Uganda, Ethiopia, Kenya
Group C: Sudan, Djibouti, Tanzania
Cecafa U20 Groups
Group A: Tanzania, Rwanda, Somalia, Djibouti
Group B: Burundi, Eritrea, South Sudan, Uganda
Group C: Ethiopia, Kenya, Sudan

Sahlu Alemu

Name: Sahlu Alemu

Education: College Diploma

Company name: Selo Leather

Title: Owner

Founded in: 2014

What it does: Different kinds of leather products

HQ: Addis Ababa

Number of employees: one

Startup Capital:30,000 birr

Current capital: Growing

Reasons for starting the business: A better option of income

Biggest perk of ownership: Seeing opportunities

Biggest strength: Doing anything that can make an income

Biggest challenging: Capital and access to market

Plan: To open a big and well known leather production line

First career: Family business

Most interested in meeting: Samuel Tafesse CEO of Sunshine Group

Most admired person: My father

Stress reducer: Praying

Favorite past time: Time with my wife

Favorite book: Miseate Israel / Exodus

Favorite destination: Arbaminch Haile Resort

Favorite automobile: Ford Pick-up

Financial triumphalists and the United States economy

Triumphalism serves as an opioid for the Washington establishment. It can breathe easier if the, once upon a time justified, claims about the United States’ economic superiority are endlessly repeated. With the rise of China, Americans’ penchant to resort to triumphalist rhetoric about the United States is becoming ever stronger. Such recitations have traditionally also served as an opioid for the masses. Things might not be so great for oneself, but at least “we as a nation are still number one.”
According to Robert Atkinson, President of the Information Technology and Innovation Foundation in America, there are three main strains of triumphalist sentiment. The first comes from the United States foreign policy establishment, which cannot envision national decline under its watch. In its view, the United States is firmly ensconced as the “shining city on the hill.” While there may be occasional bumps in the road, such as the Trump presidency, nothing can keep the United States from fulfilling its pre-ordained destiny.
Harvard’s Joseph Nye, with his claim that “America may not actually be declining, but those predicting it are ascending,” is the patron of this group. A second camp are foreigners who look at the United States with longing and admiration, but often, lack of understanding. Joseph Joffe, co-publisher of the German weekly Die Zeit, and the author of “The Myth of America’s Decline”, is emblematic of this group. The third group are bankers and investors who view the U.S. economy through a distinctly financial lens and see nothing but success. But they ignore production in favor of financial metrics, especially the strength of the dollar and the stock market. And they are unperturbed in their rugged advocacy of shareholder capitalism, believing that strong financial metrics equate to a well-functioning economy and society.
The latest version of someone giving voice to this third point of view comes from Ruchir Sharma, the chief global strategist at Morgan Stanley Investment Management. In his article “Comeback Nation: U.S. Economic Supremacy Has Repeatedly Proved Declinists Wrong,” featured in the May/June 2020 issue of Foreign Affairs, Sharma tells a happy story, one that could only be told by someone on Wall Street. Indeed, the illustration highlighting the article shows two smiling, fist-bumping stock traders. For them and for Sharma, financial metrics, rather than production system metrics, determines success.
Sharma argues that the United States economy has never been stronger (leaving aside the COVID 19 economic crisis): “During the 2010s, the United States not only staged a comeback as an economic superpower but reached new heights as a financial empire, driven by its relatively young population, its open door to immigration, and investment pouring into Silicon Valley… the 2010s turned out to be a golden decade”. Mr. Sharma goes on to rhapsodize that, “For the first time since at least the 1850s, when record keeping began, the United States traversed a full decade without suffering a single recession.”
But this ignores the obvious fact that this growth came in the aftermath of the economic collapse of the 2009 Great Recession, which was so severe that of course there was going to be a long recovery. Besides, the business cycle is not an indicator of long-term growth, which is what really matters. Indeed, the single most important economic factor, the one that could actually lift more boats than just those of investors, is the rate of productivity growth.
The simplest indicator of the United States’ relative economic power is its share of global output. Sharma writes that the United States share has accounted for a steady 25% since 1980. That would seem to rebut of any declinist argument. However, to arrive at this finding, Sharma artfully plays with the numbers. He uses nominal GDP in United States dollars, while almost all economists and the OECD agree that using purchasing power parity (PPP) is the right way to compare the relative size of economies. And on that measure the evidence is clear: The United States’ share has fallen from around 40% after the Second World War to just 15% today.
Sharma also sees the 2010s as a golden decade because of the stock market performance. He writes, “Lifted by the strong performance of American technology companies, the United States stock market rose by 250% in the 2010s, nearly four times the average gain in other national stock markets.” To be sure, a strong stock market is good for investors, but what really matters is robust real output growth, widely shared. We don’t consume stocks; we consume real goods and services.
Finally, much of Sharma’s triumphalism comes from the fact that the United States population is growing faster than in other regions like Europe and Japan. In this regard, he is sadly stuck in a 19th century frame of mind. He writes that, “[the] more important United States advantage has been a relatively high population growth rate.” But any developed country can rapidly grow its population by simply adopting an open-borders policy toward developing nations. Immigrants will flood in in search of a better life.
Winston Churchill once said you can always count on the Americans to do the right thing, but only after they have exhausted all other options.

THE VOICE OF THE PEOPLE MUST BE HEARD

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An Appeal to the people of Ethiopia from Obang Metho
Government alone cannot solve this present crisis, those crises that will follow or those now festering below the surface, waiting to erupt. Civil Society, including our religious leaders, elders, women and youth, must be part of the solution.

To my dear Ethiopian brothers and sisters,
We are presently at a very dangerous impasse due to the military confrontation between the Federal Government of Ethiopia and the Regional Government of the Tigray region. As a part of the shared family of Ethiopians, I am highly concerned, as are most of you.
A military attack was reported to have occurred on November 4, 2020, when members of the Tigray Peoples’ Liberation Front (TPLF) attacked the Ethiopian National Defense Forces of the Northern Command, stationed in the Tigray region. It was reported to have included a robbery of the artillery and military equipment of the Northern Command. No casualties have been reported, but few details are yet known.
In response, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed ordered a military confrontation by Ethiopian National Defense Forces, asserting in a letter from November 4, that: “war” was necessary “to save the country and region from spiraling into instability.” Since that time, he reported that federal troops had used military force in the region. Again, few details are known.
In a separate action, the Federal Council of Ministers have decreed a State of Emergency in the Tigray Region for six months and appointed a State of Emergency Task Force, described in a different letter made public on November 4, that the task force was “to be led by the Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces, composed of representatives from pertinent institutions and accountable to the Prime Minister.”
This conflict has escalated over disagreements between the Tigray regional leadership and the federal government’s leadership under Prime Minister Abiy regarding the latter’s decision to delay the Ethiopian National Election, originally scheduled for May 2020, and then moved to August, due to concerns regarding COVID-19; however, the election was again delayed for a non-specified period of time, suggesting the possibility of nine months or more. The present term of the government of Prime Minister Abiy was supposed to officially end on October 10, 2020, now creating an automatic extension of their power.
The regional government of the Tigray Region challenged this third delay, calling it unconstitutional. Instead, they held their own regional election in defiance of this plan, also calling out the present government as illegitimate and no longer having the authority to rule, following the October date, due to its lack of compliance with the Ethiopian Constitution. In response to what was seen as an illegal election by the Tigray region, the House of Federation, under the present government of PM Abiy, voted to redirect government funding from the Tigray region, worsening the situation and leading the outbreak of military action.
Why are other options of resolving this crisis not tried before military action? Is the escalation to a military conflict, a civil war, the only option to this impasse? Are there not other approaches; like a genuine national dialogue; and other resources, not only government, but especially members of civil society, that could be engaged to address these issues? Where is the effort to help prevent this conflict from intensifying or others from reaching this point?
Yes, some efforts have been made; however, much is at stake and some independent voices of reason from respected members of Ethiopian civil society may be needed to intervene in this power struggle in order to de-escalate the tensions between the federal government and the Tigray regional leadership that have already led to an unwanted war. The fear among many is that this conflict could trigger the destabilization of the entire country, and beyond, setting into motion a tragedy beyond comprehension.
Challenges:
Currently, in Ethiopia, no one trusts each other, and sometimes for good reason. Trust has been repeatedly broken over the years as truth is exchanged for whatever feeds one’s self-interest. The lack of trust between the major players in this present crisis is a critical factor, especially when both believe only one can win. To give in or to give up would make only one the winner and the other the loser as there is not any win-win solution at present. At the same time, the Constitution is being used to justify both positions. What voices of reason need to be heard? What process or solutions will lead to the best outcomes? Additionally, this is not the only problem right now in the country; help is needed in many other places.
Too little attention is being given to the widespread ethnic based killing, human rights atrocities and destruction of property being carried out over the last months against our fellow Ethiopians. It is affecting many of our people throughout Ethiopia, from Afar to Oromia, to Benishangul-Gumuz, to the Southern nations, the Amhara region, Harare, Dire Dawa and Gambella. No ethnic-based killing has been reported yet from either the Somali or Tigray regions. Yet, in other places, hundreds of people are dying violent deaths as many are targeted based on their ethnicity or religion. Just this past week, dozens of people, mostly of Amhara ethnicity and Orthodox faith, have been killed. No one should be silent about this. It is clearly wrong and cannot be ignored. Why did this happen? How can it be stopped?
Our current ethnic federalism system is based on ethnicity, stoking division, win-lose politics, injustice, poverty, insecurity and instability. If we based the structure of societal institutions on God-given principles that promote human dignity, as well as on what actually works to produce peace, security, a robust economy and human flourishing, what would that look like? If what creates the first list of difficulties could be changed for the better, why do we not take action on it? Why do we think we must choose the most violent alternative before implementing a variety of approaches that may help us avoid human rights crimes, displacement, civil war and the accompanying destruction that affect our people? We may all lose much more than we can imagine if we fail to address these worsening crises.
Currently, there is no mechanism to provide a venue or structure for strategic dialogue, conflict resolution, meaningful reforms, peace building, reconciliation and the restoration of justice based on shared principles to enhance the lives of all Ethiopians. In fact, our structures, institutions and even our Constitution may actually be used to create divisions and undermine freedom, justice and equality among the people.
The opportunity to create a people-driven mechanism to genuinely address these problems and to bring meaningful change is now. It has been made all the more apparent through the current crises we are facing. During the time period preceding the election; and, as a way to avert a civil war, we, the people of Ethiopia, must act to demand a voice in resolving this crisis and supporting genuine democratic reforms.
In suggesting this, I am presenting a proposal to be explored, examined, criticized and improved upon as a workable alternative before we escalate this conflict into greater violence, destruction and civil war; all of which could lead to Ethiopia becoming a failed state like Syria or Yemen. I hope others will also present their ideas, so together, we can come up with the best course of action for our shared future.
Proposal:
Government alone cannot solve this present crisis, those crises that will follow or those now festering below the surface, waiting to erupt. Civil Society, including our religious leaders, elders, women and youth, must be part of the solution.
I propose the establishment of an independent council of highly respected, non-political and diverse stakeholders, voices of reason and wisdom, all of whom are committed to the basic principles of human dignity, basic freedoms, justice, equal rights and opportunity for all citizens of the country, whose role would be to study, advise and lead an inclusive, people-led movement for the building of a New Ethiopia for all the people. This would include convening a Sovereign National Convention—a national dialogue— where participatory democracy would be advanced to achieve freedom, justice and human flourishing for all Ethiopians.
Conclusion:
The current impasse serves to highlight some of the legitimate issues we face that should not be overlooked until they explode into full scale crises, where those involved seek to resolve potential problems through the use of force and violence, especially when other options may be available. When possible, this should be proactive rather than reactive in nature in an effort to set up principle-based structures that will help us avoid future problems.
The principles of putting humanity before ethnicity or any other differences, based on the truth that our Creator has endowed value to every human being, is foundational to a healthy, well-functioning and peaceful society. To this we add the social responsibility to care about the freedom of others, not only because it is right, but because no one will be free until all are free. Let us speak up for each other to ensure a better Ethiopia for all of us. This is our vision for a New Ethiopia. This is a voice from the people.
In closing, this recommendation is not new, as it has been proposed by us, the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia (SMNE), from its conception nearly fourteen years ago; yet, due to the current situation, the urgency is all the more clear. The time to move forward is now.
May we seek God’s leading at such a time as this. May He also protect the people and land of Ethiopia and beyond. Long live Ethiopia!