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The Environmental Consequences of Political Repression

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Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa and the military junta that facilitated his rise to power have not done much to change the country since driving the aging despot Robert Mugabe from power in 2017. Zimbabwe is now a poster child for the link between authoritarianism and environmental degradation.

By Henry Munangatire
Zimbabwe was once Africa’s rising star. Boasting robust human capital, considerable natural-resource wealth, and modern infrastructure, it was the continent’s leading producer of crops such as maize, wheat, and soybeans. Agricultural exports earned it the moniker “the breadbasket of Africa.” How far the country has fallen.
Today, Zimbabwe can barely feed its own people, let alone the rest of the continent. According to the World Food Program, some 8.6 million Zimbabweans need help, and acute malnutrition is expected to rise by 15% in 2020, exacerbated by the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Moreover, the government is failing to provide basic services, such as safe drinking water, health care, adequate housing, and education.
Zimbabwe is also enduring one of the worst economic meltdowns in its history – and the second in a little over a decade. The country is now beset by runaway inflation, severe fuel shortages, prolonged power outages, and mounting unemployment. Some 90% of Zimbabweans now struggle to make their living in the informal sector.
These problems began with severe economic mismanagement under Robert Mugabe, whose 37-year-long rule – which ended when the military forced him to resign in 2017 – was marked by severe, often violent political repression. But Mugabe’s successor, President Emmerson Mnangagwa, and the military junta that facilitated his rise to power have not brought much change. Not only have they done little to reform the economy and create conditions for investment and growth; they have also maintained Mugabe’s repressive practices.
But it is not only Zimbabwe’s people who are suffering from the regime’s behavior. So is the environment. The Forestry Commission of Zimbabwe estimates that the country is losing 330,000 hectares of forestland per year, and that total forest and woodland cover has dropped from 53% to 45% since 2014. The primary reason for this decline is that Zimbabweans depend on biomass for nearly 70% of their energy, owing to the unavailability of electricity and the high cost of gas for cooking.
Deforestation in Zimbabwe has contributed to the decrease in annual rainfall in the region over the last decade. (Air that passes over trees produces twice as much rain as air that does not.) Given Zimbabwe’s location in the tropics, which makes it particularly vulnerable to shifting rainfall patterns, this has contributed to recurrent droughts – a major driver of rising food insecurity.
Reduced rainfall has also affected electricity generation, by forcing a partial shutdown of the hydroelectric plant on Lake Kariba in 2019, which supplies over 50% of Zimbabwe’s electricity, as well as electricity for Zambia. A shortage of foreign currency puts Zimbabwe’s alternative source of electricity – imports from Mozambique and South Africa – out of reach. In 2019, power outages lasting up to 18 hours became routine, disrupting economic activity.
When it comes to delivering other services – such as managing urban waste and supplying potable water – the government’s failures seem intentional. Over the last 20 years, the opposition Movement for Democratic Change Alliance (MDC–A), led by Nelson Chamisa, has gained popularity, and now controls 26 out of 32 urban local governments. To assert its authority, the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union–Patriotic Front (ZANU–PF) – the party of Mugabe and Mnangagwa – has used its power to circumvent constitutional provisions that give residents and local authorities greater control of service delivery.
The politicization of basic services has undermined their delivery significantly. Poor waste management allowed the capital city of Harare’s main water source, Lake Chivero, to become heavily polluted from sewage effluent, causing eutrophication (when nutrient buildup causes excessive vegetation growth). According to a recent report by the Harare City Council, water from Lake Chivero is now contaminated with substances linked to liver and central-nervous-system ailments.
Harare’s main water-treatment facility, built with a capacity to serve 300,000 people, today supplies water to over 1.5 million, and is not nearly up to the task. The combination of inadequate waste management and a lack of potable water was responsible for the 2008 cholera outbreak, which claimed over 4,000 lives.
Gold mining, a key economic activity since before colonialism, is furthering jeopardizing Zimbabweans’ health. But political uncertainty and an unfavorable business environment have weakened investment in the industry. So most mining, some 60%, is carried out illegally, with no regard for environmental or safety standards. The result has been increasing pollution in the Mazowe River, which flows from Zimbabwe into Mozambique, where the increasingly toxic water is used for household, recreational, and agricultural purposes.
Enforcing environmental standards is not a priority for Zimbabwe’s government, because gold is a valuable source of foreign currency. According to Transparency International Zimbabwe, however, the country is losing over $200 million each year, as huge amounts of gold are sold on the black market and eventually smuggled out of the country to places like Dubai and South Africa.
Zimbabwe embodies the nexus of political repression, poor governance, and environmental degradation. The effects are not bound by national borders, so this nexus should concern us all.

Henry Munangatire, a development practitioner and media expert, is a founder of the #ThisFlag citizens’ movement. He is a former fellow with the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung in Zimbabwe.

Transcendence Tsegaye Gebremedhin on Ethnic Loyality

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By Eyob Asfaw
Recalling I forwarded brief commentary on Tsegaye Gebremedhin as a follow up to last week’s ‘HOHE Chapter’s webinar held on 13 Sept 2020. Today I narrate and discuss the Webinar on Tsegaye Gebremedhin continued also on 20 Sept 2020 with interesting construct on the discourses of Authorship. On this episode, the moderator-Wondwossen Adane, provocatively made an inquiry to the discussants- Michael Shiferaw and Desalegn Seyoum about the validity of interpreting Tsegaye’s work through intermeshing his background.
Desalegn on his counterpart contends that Tsegaye draws his background from those two nations, i.e Oromo and Amhara. According to him, not only Tsegaye’s rigor of authorship but also the works Karl Marx, Simone De bouvoire and Frederich Nitche can’t be understood without gazing at their respective biography. In the instance of the French author-Simone De Bouvoire (lived1908 – 1986), her life experiences undoubtedly charts her literary work and existential feminism. By and large, throughout the discussion on Tsegaye’s works, the discussant conceded that the works of Tsegaye is deeply embedded in his identity. Indirectly, his identity heritage subjects to analyze his works through the prisms of biography other than contextual interpretation. In his works, he tried to uncover the potential and cultural repository of the Oromo culture perhaps in Amharic poetry. Arguably, Tsegaye’s works convinces us an author can be transcendent on ethnic loyalty.
In general, Authorship, as a follow up to Michel Foucault’s ‘What is an author?’, published in 1971, is a constant issue of dialogue and debate among philosophers and literary artists. In pursuant to Foucault essay, a scholar called Chartier– engaged critical dialogue with Foucault – which proposed that the major development in the history of authorship during the Enlightenment was that the writer’s name, image, and often personality became publicly recognizable. Foucault draws attention to ‘the author’ appearing for the first time in the late seventeenth century on title pages, front spaces, and introductory biographies in, especially, editions of collected works. For Foucault, the ‘author’ is a construct’ whose works worth examining how the author became individualized in a culture like ours. What status the author has been given, at what moment studies of authenticity and attribution began, , at what point we began to recount the lives of authors rather than of heroes. The fundamental of ‘Author construction’ will commence the discourse of the criticism ‘the man and his work’. As a result Authorship cannot be having prior explanation without fair understanding to Author’s background.
Coming back to the discussion on Tsegaye, a participant called an author “Meseret Abeje” clearly objects biographical critics downsize ‘Inter-Textual Reading’. Instead, Meseret argued that Tsegaye’s works more portrays the intermarriage and integration of Amhara and Oromo societies other than contradiction among the two neighboring societies. For Meseret, it is not uncommon to forget as to where the authors comes from originally but for our surprise they wrote from shared cultural perspective as they proved how they create their character in their authorship. On the other hand, Michael contend that, without overlooking the authors identity, yet Tsegaye duality was proved to be resilient for the possible eventual contradiction. When Tsegaye laments about Awash in his epic poem he deliberately characterized inquiry subjected Dada and Tulema through his personified dialogue to the low land river called ‘Awash’. In his commentary, Michael demands to attribute as the Tsegaye counts his descent from those two clans. The author and journalist- ‘Abera Lemma’ as a participant shared his observation about Tsegaye confronts several rounds of Censorship bottlenecks during the Dergue regime. From his memory, according to Abera, Tsegaye challenged the then ministry of Information and his play called ‘Gamo’. To his dismay, the play was banned after a one time stage show. Also, Abera shared from his personal encounter that, in his last days Tsegaye engaged fully in series of principled controversies among other fellow literary artists including with so many heavyweight artists.
In conclusion, Authors are emancipatory in their works and Tsegaye transcended through passing the litmus test of personal heritage. Tsegaye left a lesson for contemporary authors to reconcile divisive ethnic loyalty, be able to pay the price for their own principle and ought to portray cross-cultural characters in their quest for authorship.

Getu Temesegen

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Name: Getu Temesegen

Education: SBA in Journalism and Communications

Company name: Getu Temesgen Media and Communications

Title: Managing Editor

Founded in: 2019

What it does: Online Media Broadcasting

HQ: Around Washington DC Square

Number of employees: Seven

Startup Capital: 100,000.00 Birr

Current capital: 1,000,000.00 BIRR

Reasons for starting the business: Professional Calling

Biggest perk of ownership: Long Live Openness

Biggest strength: Professional Integrity

Biggest challenging: Access to Information

Plan: To Serve With Purpose

First career: Reporter at ETV (Ethiopian Television)

Most interested in meeting: Mark Zuckerberg, CEO of Facebook

Most admired person: Madiba (Nelson Mandela)

Stress reducer: Mom’s phone call

Favorite past time: Konso, A Living Cultural Tradition

Favorite book: Fikir Eske Mekabir (By Hadis Almayehu)

Favorite destination: Paris, City Of Light

Favorite automobile: Lexus

Inequality, health and wealth in United States and Mexico

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A killer virus is raging throughout large parts of North America. Registering the highest COVID 19 cases as well as COVID 19 fatalities in the world, COVID 19 created one of the most difficult health care challenges in the history of the United States. Mexico is also one of the most COVID 19 affected country in North America region. Earlier mid-July 2020, the number of COVID-19 deaths in Mexico surpassed France, making it the country with the fifth highest number of COVID-19 deaths. However, economic analysts and sociologists strongly argued that there is much larger challenge than COVID 19. According to them, this killer virus is inequality. The health effects which the coronavirus has on people is just one of its manifestations.
Martyna Linartas, a Doctoral Researcher at the Cluster of Excellence “Contestations of the Liberal Script” (SCRIPTS) at Free University Berlin indicates that the debate about inequality in the United States has been going on for a very long time. The sad truth is that the longer the nation has had what is innocuously and revealingly often labeled as a “conversation” about this topic, the worse inequality has become. Talking about it may satisfy certain people’s sense of self-importance, but merely caring rhetorically changes nothing in the hard-core, real-world socio-economic structures of a given country.
And yet, that is all that even many centrist politicians and presumably reform-minded liberal think tanks in the United States have on offer. According to Martyna Linartas, there is a pretty straightforward reason for that: Even merely considering, never mind really advocating serious changes to the economic structure of the country is not what most of their, often ultra-rich, funders would like.
Martyna Linartas noted that “Down south,” across President Trump´s border wall to Mexico, of which 200 miles were constructed and celebrated by the end of June, inequality is even more blatant than in the United States. More than 60% of Mexicans work in the informal sector and have neither access to a social safety net nor do they contribute to the social security system to provide an old-age pension for themselves. On average, they have no wealth at all and live hand to mouth. Hence, the consequences in the event of a sudden income loss are truly existential in nature.
Thus, going into lockdown is not an option for many Mexicans. True, those Mexicans with well-paying jobs can work from home, but the less privileged are doomed to work in the public space, for example as fruit and taco vendors. Increasingly, the stark option poor Mexicans face is dying from COVID 19 or hunger. Since hunger knows no quarantine, there also is no trade-off between the two.
George Tyler, an Economist and the author of “What Went Wrong” and “Billionaire Democracy: The Hijacking of the American Political System.” Noted that in the annals of official policymaking, the Mexican government has established a scale of four COVID-related risk categories. According to this new “traffic-light” system, each of Mexico’s 32 states is meant to resume non-essential activities for a gradual reopening of the country’s economy.
According to George Tyler, another arrangement by which the government seeks to project confidence and competence consists in the new designated COVID 19 hospitals around the country. They now count 900 in total (up from 645 in April). Impressive as that is, these hospitals are really only in reach of those Mexicans who can actually afford them. An increased number of such hospitals can neither remedy Mexico’s fragmented health system nor overcome marked inequality, which in this case expresses itself via access to, and the quality of, the provided health care.
George Tyler further noted that to add insult to COVID injury, Mexico has proportionally more people with underlying medical conditions than even the United States. It matters greatly that COVID-related rates of death not only increase with age, but also with body weight. According to a study by CDC, obesity is the biggest risk factor for death from COVID 19 for people under 50. Against this backdrop, despite their very different levels of economic development and per-capita income levels, the coronavirus hits both United States and Mexico especially hard.
Uwe Bott, Chief Economist of The Global Research Center argued that the United States and Mexico are the two countries which have the populations with the highest level of overweight and obesity in the world. In their neck-to-neck race, Mexico is currently slightly ahead, both in the share of obese people and in the heavy impact on its GDP. Counterintuitive as this may sound, obesity is especially pronounced among the poorest, underscoring that obesity primarily is a disease of the poor. Affecting 34% of Mexico´s population, it has become the country´s number one killer. Directly linked with diabetes type 2, it costs 100,000 lives per year.
Uwe Bott noted that one strange, but very real benefit is that the pandemic has pushed the twin issues of economic and racial inequality from the fringes to the foreground. In the most brutal fashion, the death of George Floyd has sparked a new debate. We have to see whether this time, things are really different and whether all the public attention will yield real changes. Unfortunately, doubts are well-warranted in this regard. Alas, as the case of Mexico, but also that of Brazil underscores, the United States is far from the only nation which is torn by racial and socio-economic divisions. The United States merely stands out for being the wealthiest among them.
According to Martyna Linartas ,the moral of the history: One can only hope that tackling severe levels of inequality will finally take center stage in political debates. The coronavirus pandemic actually helps in that regard because the health effects are asymmetrical and exacerbate long standing levels of economic and social injustice within countries. The later these are faced and tackled, the more dramatic our future struggles will become. That is true for the United States as it is for Mexico. And everywhere else.