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Defeating coronavirus in one region isn’t enough

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This is probably the most difficult situation the world is going through in our times. The Corona virus is testing us all. Here in Ethiopia, the virus is showing insignificant gains, but everywhere Federal and regional governments are taking increasing measures to lock down their cities, and now close down their borders. People are scared, and are not sure what to think. Public health experts are confused. The virus doesn’t always act as you think it should.

Globally the number of casualties is showing rapid growth. In Italy deaths from coronavirus continue to soar. The number of casualties in the U.S. is already greater than those in China. Despite the rising number of cases in the world, so far the number of reported cases in Africa remains low. In Ethiopia the number of confirmed cases is still less than 30. I suppose this puts the country in Phase 1 of the pandemic, meaning that all the cases are people who recently returned to the country or came into direct contact with somebody else who had.
Looking at these figures how can Ethiopia be scared of COVID-19?
Four months since the outbreak, Ethiopia seems to be one of the few best places to ride out coronavirus. And yet the country is in partial lockdown. Unfortunately, an unintended, although perhaps expected, consequence of the lockdown has been virtual paralysis of large part of the economy.

In reality what we should be scared of is the loss of reason and wave of fear that has induced our leaders into taking drastic measures suffocating our communities economically. What we should be scared of is the impact of the decision of the regional states to put up more borders to kill our brotherhood spirit of compassion.

Yes, desperate times call for desperate measures, but guys (i.e. region presidents) no need to go into Total War mode… To the barricades!… locking down the economy and restricting travel for fear of importation of no cases and no carriers… doesn’t make sense!!
Rather worry at the lack of coordination between the Federal, regional states, and our failure to enroll the Kebeles to prepare them to deal with such unexpected emergency. Worry that lessons are not being shared to make it easier to defeat the virus. Worry about how to make the COVID-19 test widely available. Worry at the lack of any clear strategy on whether to continue current social isolation measures…. Beside, do we know if they even work?
The only effective long-term solution against the coronavirus is a coordinated response at the federal level with a clearer statement of the goals of its activity, good judgments, and an understanding of the facts.
Right now, I believe the country needs to coordinate in six key ways:
1. Agree on the type of lockdown that is needed – if indeed anything is needed.
2. Look at all appropriate sources to get the basic equipment and material needed (masks, gloves, testing equipment etc.) to fight the coronavirus.
3. Avoid, and where necessary correct, exaggerated portrayals of the coronavirus crisis. Such exaggeration runs counter to the interest of citizens, because it leads to paranoia.
4. Encourage people to be frugal, and hunker down while reaching out to others.
5. Mobilize and build capacities of kebeles and organized communities to take lead if, and when, the need to contain the spread of the disease and strengthen solidarity within communities arises.
6. Ensure a gradual return to normal working life, so the behavior known as “social distancing” may stick around.

This is a funny war. Even though not that many are dying from the Covid 19 – compared to the 2002-03 SARS epidemic, caused by a different coronavirus – the measures taken to combat it are killing the economy. Surely, here in Ethiopia, if we don’t start getting people back to work over the next one to two weeks, we may not have an economy to return to.

Economic asymmetries in Africa

Today, African companies compete with producers from all over the world. African firms no longer produce within the protective borders of their own country, but rather are exposed to competition from producers all over the world. The use of new technologies, which could, in principle, trigger a surge in industrialisation, is limited by rising capital costs, a lack of research and development and low levels of human capital.
The consequences of lagging behind in global competition like this are manifold. African countries require more Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in their agriculture and industry and also higher local investment. This inflow of FDI could bring foreign technology and knowledge. It could also create world market access, stimulate local entrepreneurship and lead to growth in medium-sized enterprises. FDI can stimulate industrial processes and promote the modernisation of agriculture. It can also promote linkages between foreign and domestic enterprises if the appropriate economic policy measures are taken at the same time.
FDI, however, still flows largely into the extractive sectors; these are large-scale investments that often have few linkages with local industries. The G20 Compact with Africa focuses on these capital-intensive investments and thus contributes to the formation of enclaves and the development of Special Economic Zones which also tend to have less of a positive impact on subcontracting to domestic companies. The data suggest that these investments will not facilitate any real catching up. Exports of manufactured goods are of marginal importance and their share in Africa has fallen rather than risen. Reducing the high trade and transport costs (ports, land transport) and the high non-tariff trade barriers in Africa, the EU, the USA and China will encourage export opportunities for African countries.
According to the recent IMF report, intra-African trade remains limited. The African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) could boost trade inside Africa. It is a huge opportunity and a big step in the right direction. If properly implemented, it will increase Africa’s economic growth and reduce extreme poverty more than any other single factor over the long term.
The conditions for expanding local industries are severely limited, companies are mostly small and medium-sized enterprises are only just beginning to gradually emerge. But there are many ways to promote rather than hamper African entrepreneurship. This can be achieved by removing the numerous obstacles, for example, putting a stop to favouritism, providing unrestricted access to electricity, improving financing opportunities and eliminating tax disadvantages for small and medium-sized enterprises, and by supporting start-ups, improving the Ease of Doing Business indicators, fostering Business Development Services and promoting industrial clusters.
The World Bank “World Development Report 2020” indicated that African companies are poorly integrated into global or regional value chains. However, a slight trend reversal has been observed for some years now. African enterprises have managed to join Global value Chains in the apparel, food, car production and automotive industries as well as in some business services. Global value integration is still constrained by traditional trade policy barriers. The African Continental Free Trade Agreement should thus make eliminating these barriers a top priority.
But African countries remain minor players in the global economy, accounting for just three per cent of global trade in intermediate goods. African countries’ exports tend to feature at the very beginning of Global value Chains where a high share of their exports enter the value chain as inputs for other countries’ exports, reflecting the still dominant role of agriculture and natural resources in their exports.
Industrialisation in Special Economic Zones is not really a panacea for most countries as the prerequisites for successful operations are usually lacking. But some countries, such as Ethiopia and Ghana, have shown that Special Economic Zones can be successful. Richard Newfarmer and Finn Tarp argued that it may be necessary to go beyond investment in the manufacturing industry with its low-skilled jobs and instead to invest in promoting qualified jobs in the service sector and in what are referred to as ›industries without smokestacks.
A breakthrough in Africa’s industrial development is unlikely to occur in the medium term. Many African countries have even deindustrialised, including some Compact with Africa countries. Most small countries, landlocked states, Least Industrial Countries and fragile states should not have high expectations of sufficient FDI or significant local industrial development, even if they pursue an industrial policy. Only a few larger Compact with Africa countries, such as Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, Ethiopia, Ghana and Senegal may have the opportunity to develop industrial hubs. The stronger the local medium-sized enterprises, the better this will work. These companies will play a key role in economic growth and employment. FDI could play a complementary role in technology transfer through the integration of lo- cal enterprises into value chains.
There continues to be significant differences between the countries in Africa. There are some emerging countries, such as Ethiopia, Kenya, and Rwanda which are con- verging, or at least keeping up. The majority of countries, however, face low growth and high poverty. The Least Industrial Countries tend to stagnate, which is partly due to particularly high population growth in these countries. A convergence club of around 20 African Least Industrial Countries and/or countries with high or even rising poverty is emerging. It is also unlikely that many African countries will be able to create internationally competitive industries, which is linked to the fact that productivity growth lags behind that of other regions and global competition is extremely high. When it comes to the digital revolution and robotisation, Africa is failing to catch up.
Whether the Compact with Africa countries end up forming a club of emerging Middle-income countries cannot yet be foreseen. They are characterised by high growth resulting from numerous reforms Nevertheless, the potential of most Compact with Africa countries is far from being fully exploited. The extent to which the high growth actually indicates a structural transformation is not certain. Structural change is slow, the modernisation of agriculture is sluggish, informality and thus the poverty economy prevails.
Despite the opening of African markets to a large extent, foreign trade has not developed favourably. There are still strong asymmetries, diversification in foreign trade has progressed only slowly and integration in value chains is weak. This means that knowledge and technology diffusion currently only play a marginal role at best, partly also because African educational efforts and research activities lag behind those in other regions. Africa’s efforts to innovate are limited to initial attempts to imitate the abilities of successful countries and to use growth successes by importing modern goods to generate innovations in local companies.
The implication could be to focus on the endogenous development that can be promoted by a developmental state through reasonable protective measures and incentive systems. In his book entitled “Premature Deindustrialization” Dani Rodrik stated that asymmetries between the world’s leading countries and Africa are deepening and, consequently, the postulate of ›endogenous development‹ will have to be revived through selective dissociation policies.
To summarise, the Compact with Africa takes into account the links between macroeconomic framework conditions, business frameworks and financial frameworks. The measures envisaged by the Compact with Africa are important building blocks for the development of infrastructure, the flow of FDI and the debt situation. However, the Compact with Africa does not adequately factor in the links between good governance, Ease of Doing Business and other similar indicators, and business dynamics. On the contrary, asymmetries are reinforced rather than addressed. The focus on large-scale investments leads to structural distortion rather than inclusive and sustainable growth, which would be necessary to help reduce poverty and unemployment.

Ruth Girmay

Name: Ruth Girmay

Education: MA in special need education

Company name: Shamrock Leather

Title: Owner

Founded in: 2018

What it does: Designing different kinds of leather products

HQ: Addis Ababa

Number of employees: 4

Startup Capital: 2,000,000 birr

Current capital: 2,500,000 birr

Reasons for starting the business: Loving and interest of art

Biggest perk of ownership: Having interest in the field

Biggest strength: My own ability on the field

Biggest challenging: Getting accessories and machineries and skilled human labor

Plan: Building a company that can give chance to disable persons

First career: Own a training center for special needs

Most interested in meeting: Pop Francis

Most admired person: My mother

Stress reducer: Hearing religious songs

Favorite past time: Drawing and sketching

Favorite book: Bible

Favorite destination: Assisi, Italy

Favorite automobile: Hummer

Make Sub-Saharan African Countries Poor Again

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By Miheretab Wolde

Sub-Saharan African countries on the Nile basin are under a threat of a secret war, which aimed to deepen their level of poverty. This wicked operation is being led by Egypt as the main perpetrator with the support of various interest groups. The long list of such groups include corrupt sub-Saharan African politicians, mercenary liberation fronts, unethical journalists and press agencies, ill-informed countries that are boycotting sub-Saharan African investors and countries that stand against the coercion diplomacy, countries who wished to gain reciprocal diplomatic success, and shortsighted African leaders who compromise their national interest to engage in a proxy war. State agencies such as Egyptian foreign ministry which is designated to disseminate false propaganda and misleading information are the main players.
The corrupt sub-African politicians put their personal interests ahead of their nations’ national interests. This hidden illegal act in the past was disguised as partnership diplomacy and artificial development support. The strategy kept the status quo, that the Nile river always belonged to Egypt. This diplomacy turned many upstream countries to compromise their long term benefit and to stick with their domestic issues.Tanzania and Uganda can be good examples of these facts. Until recently, these two countries used to be advocates of the Egyptian Win-Loss approach to the use of the Nile river. The Tanzanian government should be commended for identifying corrupt government officials and taking appropriate measures. Nowadays, those two countries have started exercising their rights and work on collective Nile Basin visionary initiatives. However, conflict-prone nations like South Sudan, Burundi, and the Democratic Republic of Congo are still under the control of this hideous tactic of Egypt.
Egypt has been playing a central role in recruiting, organizing, supporting, and scaling up liberation fronts’ groups which have been operating in various sub-Saharan African countries. Ethiopia is the primary victim of this hidden war. Egypt has always supported antagonist states, rebel groups and other militants’ against Ethiopia. The long-standing volatility in Ethiopia due to the ongoing civil wars and interstate wars, made the country to be one of the poorest countries in the world. This eventually made the country to be passive and act accordingly to the existing status quo of the Nile Basin colonial era treaty, which was solely based on a negative hegemony.
The government of Egypt spent much of its time on propagating false and misleading information on the issue of the Nile river. This tactic, mainly used to construct biased understanding around the issue and disseminating never ending false propaganda. This approach has been witnessed in the recent Ethiopian Renaissance Dam issues. The false information in relation to the dam has not only infected the entire members of the Arab league apart from Sudan, but also some of the developed nations.
It is hard to find a neutral journalist or press agency in the land of Egypt who stands for truth. A few days ago Egypt media as usual reported that Ethiopian community members in the diaspora showed support for Egypt in relation to the dam issue. They also indicated that the government of Kenya sided with Egypt as well. These are the typical deceptive misinformation that is being written and disseminated among the Egyptian public. These journalists are either corrupt, blindly biased, one sided or unethical. A professional journalist stands for truth, justice and cooperation; however, in recent few months the world witnessed how the Egyptian Media is filled with false propaganda.
Countries like Morocco are working with Egypt to sabotage investors in sub-Saharan African countries and investors in countries that stand on the justifiable principles and truth. In recent weeks, the Morocco government tried to boycott the Ethiopian born billionaire’s, Mohammed al-Amoudi, businesses that operate in its territory. Middle Eastern countries tried to pressure Sudan to change its stand related to the Nile dam. These countries along with Egypt work to stop and discourage investors from investing in countries like Ethiopia to make sure these nations remain the poorest of the poor.
Countries like the USA and Israel tried to advance their national interests at the expense of Ethiopia and Palestine. Nowadays, Trump and Egypt think that the ‘deal of the century’ could only be accomplished by using Ethiopia as their sacrificial lamb. Egypt is eager to legalize the colonial era agreement while Trump is eager to form his first major international deal of his presidency. Israel in its part, is eager to secure the whole Jerusalem. In the end, Egypt will ensure that the Middle East deal that’s being proposed by Trump, will gain the acceptance of the entire Arab League nations. This dirty politics is being unfolded to the entire world.
In the past Egypt used proxy wars to destroy the sub-Saharan Africa nations, but in recent times it is harder and harder to find a single country that’s willing to collaborate for the sake of Egypt’s gain at the expense of its citizens. The delegation war is an outdated tactic of the yesteryears. However, Egypt is still knocking at the doors of Ethiopian neighbors to wage proxy wars and pin down the entire region of the horn of African countries to deep poverty. For centuries, this has been the unwritten foreign policy of the Arab Republic of Egypt.

The writer can be reached via miheretab1@yahoo.com