Friday, October 23, 2026
Home Blog Page 4104

Decent work

0

Last week saw the launch of the “Advancing Decent Work and Inclusive Industrialization in Ethiopia”, a program by ILO and partners in collaboration with the Federal Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs.
This is a comprehensive and coordinated program to promote decent work and inclusive industrialization, which is a very timely and important focus at a time in which the country continues to grow socially and economically.
The program will in the first instance prioritise the garment and textile industries, which play a very prominent role in Ethiopia’s second Growth and Transformation Plan. Productivity in the sectors is affected by the working conditions, wages, turn over, regulations and capacity of the workers. The program’s purpose is therefor to enhance the effective functioning of the sector and related business environment by addressing workers’ rights, income, compensation, safety, equality, voice and representation. As a result, productivity and global competitiveness of the sector is expected to increase.
During the launch, two high level panel discussions were moderated, preceded by opening remarks of representatives of partner organizations and institutions, including the Minister of Labour and Social Affairs, while in between the ILO Program Manager presented a concise overview of the program.
The launch ended with positive and encouraging conclusions, recognising the unique opportunity and ingredients now available to do things right to advance decent work in the fast-growing industrialization the country is witnessing.
Now, for workers to be productive they need to be fit. At the same time, we know that many of them suffer from anaemia or other micronutrient deficiencies. There seems to be a big opportunity thus to address undernutrition especially in the light of economic development and enhanced production in the private sector in general and in the industrial parks particularly. In his book “Food at Work”, Christopher Wanjek takes a comprehensive look at the opportunities to increase the nutrition status of employees at their place of work. Below follow some excerpts from the introduction of the book.
“This book addresses a simple question – how do workers eat while at work? This question, we have found, is not always given much thought. This is strange, as food is the fuel that powers production. One would think that employers, wanting to maximize productivity, would provide their workforce
with nourishing food or, at the very least, convenient access to healthy food. What we have found in researching material for this book is that workplace meal programmes are largely a missed opportunity. It is a salient fact that worldwide nearly a billion people are undernourished while over one billion are overweight. How do we address this catastrophic misappropriation of food resources? The World Health Organization (WHO) and the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), among other international bodies, have taken great steps in remedying malnutrition through projects focused on better food supply chains, storage, land management, food fortification, bulk food distribution and education. Our view, in assisting this global aim, is that the workplace
should be a locale for meal provision and nutrition education initiatives.
Too often the workplace meal programme is either an afterthought or not even considered by employers. Work, instead of being accommodating, is frequently a hindrance to proper nutrition. Canteens, if they exist, routinely offer an unhealthy and unvaried selection. Vending machines are regularly stocked with unhealthy snacks. Local restaurants can be expensive or in short supply. Street foods can be bacteria laden. Workers sometimes have no time to eat, no place to eat or no money to purchase food. Some workers are unable to consume enough calories to perform the strenuous work expected of them.
Agricultural and construction workers often eat in dangerous and insanitary conditions. Mobile workers and day labourers are expected to fend for themselves. Migrant workers, far from home, often find themselves with no access to local markets and no means to store or cook food. Night shift workers find they have few meal options after hours. Hundreds of millions of workers face an undesirable eating arrangement every day. Many go hungry; many get sick, sooner or later. The result is a staggering blow to productivity and health. Poorer nations, in particular, remain in a cycle of poor nutrition, poor health, low productivity, low wages and no development. Presented in this book are mostly positive examples of how governments, employers and trade unions are trying to improve the nutritional status of workers. In wealthier nations, where obesity and related non-communicable diseases – cancer, diabetes, cardiovascular disease and kidney problems – are
epidemic, we find some employers offering healthier menus or better access to healthier foods, such as on-site farmers’ markets. In developing and emerging economies, where hunger and micronutrient deficiencies such as anaemia are epidemic, we find some employers offering free, well-balanced meals or access to safer street foods.
Governments gain from a well-nourished population through reductions in health costs, through tax
revenue from increased work productivity, and – in feeding its children – through the security of future generations of healthy workers. The savings are significant. In Southeast Asia, iron deficiency accounts for a US$5 billion loss in productivity. In wealthier nations, obesity accounts for 2 to 7 per cent of total health costs. In addition to these costs, employers must understand that poor nutrition is tied to absenteeism, sickness, low morale and higher rates of accidents. Obesity, inadequate calories and iron deficiency result in fatigue and
lack of dexterity. Employees must understand that their health and thus job security is dependent upon proper nutrition. The workplace can be an instrument for eating well and is the logical setting for nutrition intervention. First, nutrition is an occupational health and safety concern. Spoiled food can be as deadly to the workforce as a chemical leak; poor nutrition can be as deadly as a weak ladder rung. Second, workers usually come to the workplace regularly for an extended period, making intervention convenient. Larger enterprises regularly have the means to make some improvement at little cost, such as negotiating with food suppliers for safer,
healthier food or providing better shelter to make the meal more restful and enjoyable. Even the smallest enterprises have low-cost options, such as working with local vendors to supply clean water or discount vouchers.”
There are indeed many opportunities to address food at the workplace, while interventions may work as a double-edged sword: better and nutrition for many and increased production for the private sector. The book provides many examples and case stories from which we can derive interventions. It is an opportunity not to be missed, if we want to achieve our goal to become the middle-income country we envision.

Source and recommended reading: “Food at Work” by Christopher Wanjek – an ILO publication

ton.haverkort@gmail.com

Abiy Alem

0

Name: Abiy Alem

Education: BSC in Computer Science

Company name: Mulu Ecolodge

Studio Title: Owner

Founded in: 2017

What it does: Agro Tourism

HQ: Eastern Goajm, Dega Damot

Number of employees: 10

Startup Capital: 560,000 birr

Current capital: Growing

Reasons for starting the business: To promote tourism

Biggest perk of ownership: Doing what I want

Biggest strength: Commitment

Biggest challenge: Lack of awareness about agro tourism

Plan: To create my own agro tourism brand

First career: Tour guide

Most interested in meeting: Zumra Nuru, founder of Awra Amba Ethiopian intentional community

Most admired person: PM Abiy

Stress reducer: Touring

Favorite past-time: Working

Favorite book: The Power of Thinking Big by John C. Maxwell

Favorite destination: Bahir Dar

Favorite automobile: Toyota Land Cruiser

A strategic foreign policy to move Ethiopia forward

0

By Betty D.
Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed appeared before the House of People’s Representatives on 1st July 2019. He was presenting his government’s performance report for the year 2018-2019. During this particular year, a wind of change blew over Ethiopia and the Prime Minister’s report conveyed a message of meaningful partnership and of hope for the foreseeable future.
In the report, the Prime Minister adroitly articulated the broad lines of a stronger and highly focused foreign policy that effectively balances ideals with Ethiopia’s true potentials. This foreign policy has reached an unprecedented degree of coherence as it takes into full consideration the dynamic and ever-changing international environment.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and its more than 60 diplomatic missions have been strengthening their capacities, increasing their resources and relying on meticulous analysis of sound facts. This transformation will enable them to implement Ethiopia’s foreign policy objectives with a clear sense of purpose and to better carry out desired diplomatic initiatives.
The starting point for Ethiopia’s new foreign policy is safeguarding the dignity, rights and interests of the citizens of Ethiopia. To this effect, the government has managed to get more than 15,000 Ethiopians released from detention in various countries with unprecedented determination.
The government also brought back to Ethiopia more than 76,000 citizens whose working contracts have been canceled for various reasons. Crucially, the government has signed labor agreements with hiring governments. At the very least, Ethiopian citizens will gain more secure employment abroad.
The centerpiece of Ethiopia’s new and non-confrontational foreign policy is mutual cooperation with neighboring countries in political, economic, technical and security areas. This improved cooperation is meant to eventually set in motion deeper regional economic integration mainly in infrastructure and energy. Moreover, well beyond what other countries are willing or able to provide, Ethiopia continues to responsibly maintain regional peacekeeping by deploying thousands of troops beyond its borders into Darfur, Abyei, South Sudan and Somalia.
With a foresight rarely seen in international politics today, Prime Minister Abiy wisely initiated towards Eritrea a policy of historic magnitude. It takes no great leap of imagination to realize that this bold policy has conferred on Ethiopia greater international legitimacy and will bring peace and prosperity to the Horn of Africa for years to come.
Prime Minister Abiy has thus sought to enhance the diplomatic role that Ethiopia plays regionally. Ethiopia launched a sustained diplomatic initiative to mediate the diplomatic dispute between Kenya and Somalia. Ethiopia also focused its explicit attention on ending the protracted conflict in South Sudan and thereby limits the suffering of the South Sudanese people. And, Ethiopia determinedly took another independent initiative to support the negotiations between the Transitional Military Council and the opposition forces within Sudan.
Moreover, Ethiopia is thriving to create a common regional policy on the Red Sea. This policy will provide Ethiopia the possibility to use multiple ports and to access the highly lucrative trade in this immensely affluent but unstable region. Ethiopia has also competently finalized preparations for the establishment of an agile naval force.
This naval force could respond to regional crises and could effectively ensure the peaceful movement of Ethiopia’s commercial ships. The naval force will also allow Ethiopia to adequately deal with the most urgent threats including piracy, international terrorist groups, organized criminal networks, insurgent armed groups and external powers’ competition.
At the continental level, Ethiopia is currently extending a warm welcome to all African visitors. They are allowed to enter Ethiopian territory with a visa on arrival. Moreover, Ethiopia has resolutely ratified the agreement establishing the African Continental Free Trade Area. This agreement will undoubtedly offer Ethiopia unprecedented opportunities to tap into Africa’s emerging markets and to enhance industrialization. It could also enable Ethiopia to possibly lure millions of USD in revenues every year and to generate thousands of new permanent and temporary jobs.
Various international institutions have offered Ethiopia increased financial assistance. This is coming to fruition because Ethiopia, more than ever, endorses economic and political freedom and fully complies with international and continental human rights commitments. Not surprisingly, Ethiopia has received over 3 billion USD in budget assistance during the past year for the implementation of its economic reforms.
Many countries have significantly increased their investment in Ethiopia’s gradually liberalizing economy that is generating wealth. And, other countries that have not been previously involved in foreign direct investment are now showing promising enthusiasm to pour millions of USD into Ethiopia’s vibrant economy.
The icing on the cake is the success of Ethiopia’s cultural diplomacy. Ethiopia secured assistance for the renovation of the Lalibela rock-hewn church, the Axum obelisk, the Jubilee palace and the Aba Jifar palace.
This assistance will allow these locations to become key tourist destinations. Ethiopia will thus be able to sustain the increase in tourism revenues and arrival as well as to create more jobs. It should also be noted that Ethiopia obtained immediate assistance to contain the fires in the Semien Mountains National Park.
Lastly, a high-ranking advisor to Prime Minister Abiy explained that “the report to the House of People’s Representatives clearly demonstrates that Prime Minister Abiy has a clear vision of where Ethiopia is going”. The good news for the advisor who asked not to be identified is that “Prime Minister Abiy adopted a solid form of strategic thinking of how Ethiopia could seize the diplomatic and economic opportunities throughout the Red Sea, the Horn of Africa and Africa”.
According to the advisor, the report also demonstrates that Prime Minister Abiy has the exceptional ability to patiently balance bilateral diplomacy with multilateral diplomacy. This ability will allow him to capitalize on game-changing trends and shifts in international politics while protecting Ethiopia’s interests and to keep old friends while making new ones.

Ed.’s Note: Betty D. holds graduate degrees in international relations. She privately provides advice, analysis and research services. And, she occasionally writes on local and regional issues. The views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect the views of Capital. She can be reached on betteyd824@gmail.com

United Kingdom and the rush for a quick Brexit

0

The risk of United Kingdom simply crashing out of the EU remains high. The gap between popular expectations and practical possibilities remains dangerously wide. The implications of United Kingdom withdrawal have not yet, even by now, been fully discovered by the negotiators on the either side. As new complications and hypotheses are emerging every day, it is clear that the two-year time limit to conclude the negotiation of the terms for United Kingdom withdrawal from the EU is far too short.
Part of the real-life complication is that any kind of Brexit means digging down into 40 years worth of trade deals, memberships and understandings, which the United Kingdom can only be part of so long as it is in the EU. The mellifluous talk oft-heard on the British side about a “bespoke” deal only disguises that reality very thinly. As it stands, the United Kingdom hopes to leave the EU on March 29, 2019, but to continue to have access to the EU market for a two-year Transition Period, ending on March 29, 2021. This date was presumably chosen because it is before the scheduled date of the United Kingdom General Election.
John Bruton, the former Prime Minister of Ireland and EU Ambassador to the United States strongly argued that i would be simpler and wiser for the United Kingdom and the EU to agree to extend the period for negotiation under Article 50 by two or more additional years. This can be done by unanimous agreement. This option should also be pursued by once it is fully understood what a“two-year transition period” really means. Having left the EU as a member, the United Kingdom would still enjoy the benefits of membership of the EU Single Market and the Customs Union.
However, for the duration of the transition, the United Kingdom would not have any say in the making and in the interpretation of the rules of the Single Market and Customs Union, but would have to comply with whatever changes are made at the EU level. The United Kingdom would also still be subject to the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice and would still be contributing to the EU budget, on the same basis as if it was a member. Businesses in the United Kingdom and in the EU would presumably be expected to be implementing changes in their business practice to accommodate themselves to the sort of arrangements that would apply in March 2021 when the United Kingdom had actually left both the Single Market and Customs Union.
John Bruton noted that the difficulty will be that no one would know for sure what to prepare for. This is because the EU and the United Kingdom could only start substantive negotiations of the terms of a future United Kingdom-EU trade deal at the beginning of transition period. Before it can negotiate any trade deal with the EU, the United Kingdom must first become a non-member of the EU. The United Kingdom would also have to negotiate replacements for the hundreds of trade and other agreements it currently has with third countries as an EU member. Those would cease having effect once the United Kingdom had left the EU on March 29, 2019. As a matter of fact, getting any of such trade deals in place is a practical impossibility.
Denis MacShane, the former United Kingdom Minister for Europe and the author of “Brexit No Exit: Why Britain Won’t Leave Europe.” stated that a future comprehensive trade deal between the EU and the United Kingdom would face more difficulty. Not only will it almost certainly require the unanimous agreement. If it covered services, many of which are regulated at national as well as EU level and which the United Kingdom is adamant about including, the deal would have to get ratification from all the national parliaments.
Trade negotiators say that a deal as complex as the one the United Kingdom is seeking would probably take six years to finalize, not just two. But, politically, a two-year transition may be as long as the United Kingdom can live with, because its government is in such a political rush to leave. By the time of the next United Kingdom election, the Conservative Party will not be comfortable if the United Kingdom is still in “transition,” implementing EU laws, contributing to the EU budget. But that is a problem and a concern solely on the British side, not that of the EU 27. Some speculate that, given the circumstances, the May government may be willing to pay a high price to finalize a Framework deal, just so the transition period can end within the two years.
According to Denis MacShane, under such negotiating circumstances, the likelihood is that the deal will be a “bad one” for the United Kingdom. But rejecting that “bad” deal will not really be attractive for the United Kingdom either. Without a deal, the United Kingdom will be out of the EU and will only be able to trade with the EU on “WTO terms.” That would be really bad for the United Kingdom. Plus, under the current calendar pushed by the Tories, all of this will be happening on the eve of the United Kingdom’s 2022 General Election.
According to John Bruton, in these circumstance, the United Kingdom government might be tempted to look for an extension of the two-year transition and leave it to a post-General election government to take the blame for any unsatisfactory Trade Agreement. The problem is that a long transition period will be exceptionally difficult to sell in the United Kingdom It would be seen at home as offending the principle of democratic representation and would likely be presented by some as “taxation without representation.”
John Bruton assertively argued that wiser heads may prevail, not least because United Kingdom business which is always close to the Tories (Conservative Party) will demand it. Nobody can deny that the two-year time limit for the transition has created a fevered atmosphere in the negotiations. It has politicized them in a way that makes rational calculation of mutual interest more difficult, to put it very gently. An early agreement to a substantial extension under Article 50 (3) would remove this problem, and would give the negotiators more time and space.
Dr. Robert Wade of University of Bath sensed that some in the United Kingdom are open to this possibility, but there is little appetite for it in the EU. The reason is that there is a feeling in some continental EU countries that the United Kingdom has already taken up too much of the EU’s time. In particular, David Cameron’s decision to prevent the Compact for the Fiscal Governance of the Eurozone being incorporated in the EU Treaties, even though they had nothing to do with the United Kingdom, has left a very sour taste.
Dr. Robert Wade noted that there also is a fear that any extension of United Kingdom membership under Article 50 (3) could be exploited by the United Kingdom to block other EU reforms and/or to improve the United Kingdom’s position in the competition between the EU and the United Kingdom post Brexit. Granting the United Kingdom such an extension of the time limit would also be seen by many as encouraging other sceptical EU states to use the threat of withdrawal as a bargaining tactic or a means of getting votes in national elections. In this context, taking a tough line with the United Kingdom is not seen as “punishment” of the United Kingdom, but a matter of legitimate “self-preservation” by the EU.
Ultimately, this all boils down to the classic patterns of contract negotiations. If an individual wants to withdraw from a contract, he can do so, but he would normally expect to have to compensate other parties to the contract for the damage his unilateral decision might cause. For all these reasons, I believe the United Kingdom, and the EU 27, need to take time out to think about where we are going with Brexit. Two years is not enough. The rush for an early Brexit that motivated Prime Minister Theresa May to write her Article 50 letter before her government had done its homework is, quite literally, an irrational basis for deciding the future of Britain.