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AGRA, Mastercard Foundation launch youth-focused agriculture programme

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AGRA Ethiopia and the Mastercard Foundation have launched a youth entrepreneurship programme aimed at expanding employment, skills, finance and market access in Ethiopia’s agriculture sector.

The Youth Entrepreneurship for the Future of Food and Agriculture Ethiopia programme, known as YEFFA Ethiopia, will focus on wheat and horticulture value chains in selected districts of Oromia Region. The initiative is part of a wider Pan-African partnership between AGRA and the Mastercard Foundation designed to create dignified work opportunities for young people in agrifood systems.

The programme was launched in Addis Ababa on Aug. 12 and will be implemented from March 2026 to March 2030 in 14 districts across North Shewa, East Shewa and West Shewa zones, as well as Sheger City Administration. AGRA, SOS Sahel Ethiopia and Green Agro-Solution Plc are among the implementing partners.

YEFFA Ethiopia aims to reach 80,000 economically disadvantaged young people, including 64,000 young women, through training, entrepreneurship support, market linkages, technology access and financial inclusion interventions.

Yihenew Zewdie, Country Director of AGRA Ethiopia, said the programme was designed to address persistent barriers that limit young people’s participation in agriculture, including limited access to finance, technology, skills, markets and business-development services.

“Empowering youth in agriculture is not just about creating jobs; it is about building a sustainable future for Ethiopia,” Yihenew said at the launch.

He said horticulture, in particular, could make a significant contribution to agricultural transformation if it received stronger investment and policy support.

Agriculture remains a major source of employment and income in Ethiopia, but young people seeking to establish agribusinesses often face high input costs, limited land access, weak market connections, climate-related shocks and restrictive credit conditions.

The YEFFA programme will prioritise the modernisation of wheat production and marketing, while also seeking to expand youth employment in fruit and vegetable value chains. Its implementation is expected to support young people working as producers, aggregators, service providers, traders, processors and other agribusiness entrepreneurs.

The initiative comes as Ethiopia works to raise agricultural productivity, improve food security and reduce import dependence. Wheat production has been a policy priority, while horticulture has been identified as a potential source of employment, export earnings and value addition.

The programme also places emphasis on the inclusion of young women, persons with disabilities, refugees, internally displaced people and returnees. Under the wider Young Africa Works strategy, the Mastercard Foundation aims for 70 percent of employment opportunities to benefit young women.

Mefthe Tadesse, Mastercard Foundation Ethiopia Country Director, said young people must be central to Africa’s development agenda.

“At the Foundation, young people are at the centre of everything we do,” he said. “We believe that Africa’s future will be shaped by the aspirations, ideas and leadership of its young people.”

Since the launch of its Young Africa Works strategy in Ethiopia in 2019, the Mastercard Foundation says it has enabled 1.27 million young people to access employment opportunities, with young women accounting for 49 percent of beneficiaries. The Foundation had committed USD 664 million through 38 partnerships in Ethiopia, according to its 2024 update.

The wider YEFFA partnership between AGRA and the Mastercard Foundation is a USD 350 million, five-year programme running from September 2023 to August 2028. Across Africa, it seeks to reach 10 million unemployed and underemployed young people and support 1.5 million into dignified and fulfilling work.

For Ethiopia, the key challenge will be translating the programme’s targets into sustainable businesses and employment in rural areas. That will require coordinated action from government, financial institutions, private companies and development partners to improve access to land, credit, agricultural inputs, training, technology and reliable markets.

Record export earnings mask weak performance across wider commodity basket 

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Ethiopia’s record export earnings in the 2025/26 fiscal year have masked weaker performance across a wider range of commodities regulated by the Ministry of Trade and Regional Integration (MoTRI), raising concerns over the sustainability and diversification of the country’s export growth.

Ethiopia generated USD 11.2 billion in export earnings during the 2025/26 fiscal year, nearly 20 percent above the government’s target and 35 percent higher than in the preceding year. However, most of the growth was driven by gold and coffee, while several major commodity groups under MoTRI’s oversight struggled to increase foreign-currency earnings.

The contrasting performance has become a major concern among exporters and sector experts, who argue that the country’s macroeconomic reform was expected not only to raise total export earnings, but also to expand the volume, value and diversity of the export basket.

Gold exports surged to about USD 5.6 billion, accounting for roughly half of the country’s total export earnings during the year. Coffee generated USD 3.1 billion, bringing the combined contribution of the two commodities to nearly 80 percent of total export revenue.

However, the performance of the broader commodity-export basket was considerably weaker.

Latest figures obtained by Capital show that exports of oilseeds and pulses—among the main commodity groups regulated by MoTRI—increased in volume during the 2025/26 fiscal year but generated less foreign currency.

Exports of pulses and oilseeds rose by 4.83 percent in volume to 554,837 metric tonnes. Yet total export earnings from the sector declined by 6.16 percent to USD 571.4 million, compared with USD 609 million in the 2024/25 fiscal year.

For the fiscal year, the Ministry had projected USD 743 million in earnings from the two subsectors: USD 394 million from oilseeds and USD 349 million from pulses. Actual performance reached only about three-quarters of the target.

Sector experts said the figures show that higher export volumes did not translate into higher foreign-currency earnings.

The decline was attributed partly to lower international commodity prices, particularly for sesame. Pulse exports performed relatively better, with export volume increasing by 3.84 percent and export earnings rising by 4.44 percent.

The development has reinforced concerns that Ethiopia’s recent export growth remains heavily concentrated in a small number of commodities, rather than reflecting broad-based expansion across the sector.

“One of the key objectives of Ethiopia’s macroeconomic reform was to boost foreign-currency earnings through commodity exports, improve the profitability of export businesses and encourage greater private-sector participation in the sector,” exporters and sector experts said.

However, exporters and other stakeholders following commodities regulated by MoTRI say the reforms have not yet produced significant improvements across the wider export basket.

They acknowledged that international conditions have affected the sector, including regional security challenges, changes in U.S. policy, stagnation in agricultural production and the emergence of new large-scale producers of some of Ethiopia’s key export commodities.

“Particularly, the situation observed over the past couple of years in connection with regional security and new policy from the U.S., in addition to the stagnation of our agricultural production and the emergence of new and big producing countries in our major export commodities, has impacted export growth and earnings,” they said.

However, exporters argue that global challenges alone cannot explain the sector’s weak performance.

They say the government should complement macroeconomic reforms with additional policy instruments aimed at increasing export-commodity production in both volume and quality, while also providing stronger incentives to exporters.

Exporters question engagement

Private-sector actors, including senior exporters, have raised concerns about the relationship between the business community and the National Macroeconomic Committee at the Office of the Prime Minister, chaired by Prime Minister’s Macroeconomic Adviser Girma Biru (Amb.).

Exporters said they are unclear about how the macroeconomic team obtains information on the challenges facing the export sector.

“It is not clear how they get the actual information. Is it that they only get it through papers and figures from relevant ministries?” exporters and sector experts asked.

They recalled that Girma had previously engaged directly with the business community and called on businesses to provide information and updates on trade developments.

“But now he is far from us,” they told Capital.

The exporters said they want greater clarity on the relationship between the macroeconomic team and the business community.

“We want to clarify the relationship between the macroeconomic team and the business community regarding sector development and the new direction set at the highest level of government,” they said.

They also questioned whether the macroeconomic team has firsthand information about the challenges businesses face or relies mainly on reports and data submitted by relevant ministries.

Responding to the concerns, Girma said exporters do not necessarily need to communicate with him or the macroeconomic team directly, arguing that sector-specific concerns should be raised through relevant ministries.

“There is no reason to communicate with me directly. There are relevant ministries, like the Ministry of Agriculture for commodities that it follows, the Ministry of Industry for the industrial sector, MoTRI for other sectors, or other sectors through their institutions, so I can get their concerns through these ministries,” Girma told Capital.

He said exporters should use existing institutional channels to raise concerns, while indicating that he would intervene when an issue specifically required his attention.

“It is enough for exporters to come through the ministers, but if there is an issue that needs me, I will check it,” he said.

Girma also said he would examine complaints where exporters and regulators have unresolved differences.

“If there are satisfactory concerns from exporters or misunderstandings between regulators and traders, we would check and solve the problems,” he said.

Call for incentives

Exporters have called for additional incentives to encourage production and exports, including preferential financing linked to foreign-currency earnings.

They pointed to other countries where exporters benefit from tax rebates and credit incentives based on export performance.

“In other countries, there is a rebate system. They apply it based on earnings, not only for taxes but also through bank credit rebates,” they said.

“For instance, based on the value of hard-currency earnings, bank interest could be reduced to as low as zero percent,” they said. “If such encouraging schemes are introduced, exporters would also be involved in production.”

Exporters argue that such measures could encourage businesses to invest not only in trading but also in production, helping expand supply and improve the competitiveness of Ethiopian export commodities.

Girma, however, said there is currently no new policy direction or change regarding the export sector.

“There is no new policy direction or change regarding the export sector,” he said, adding that “the incentives are the same as they were.”

He nevertheless said the government remains open to hearing concerns from businesses.

“Even though there are no envisaged new policy issues, we would listen if business actors have concerns regarding policy intervention,” Girma said.

Exporters say existing measures, including duty-free schemes for importing processing machinery, are not sufficient to address the structural challenges facing the sector.

They are calling on the government to examine the experience of competing countries and introduce additional mechanisms that can increase production, improve quality and make Ethiopian commodities more competitive in international markets.

They argue that incentives should be linked to actual export performance and foreign-currency generation.

“The same scheme could be applied in Ethiopia. Banks should provide not only credit, but also incentives with different parameters,” exporters said.

They added that the government should consider a range of policy-support measures to achieve the objectives of macroeconomic reform and maintain Ethiopia’s competitiveness in global markets.

Recently, the central bank increased the share of foreign-currency export earnings that commodity exporters may retain to 70 percent, from 50 percent. The retention share is also expected to rise to 100 percent in the coming weeks, in line with the arrangement already applied to service exporters.

Exporters welcomed the move but said additional measures are needed to address production, financing and market-access challenges.

Fragmented responsibility

The weak performance of the broader export basket has also renewed concerns over fragmented institutional responsibility for Ethiopia’s exports.

At present, export responsibilities are divided among several public institutions. MoTRI oversees oilseeds and pulses, while the Ministry of Agriculture manages coffee, tea and flowers. The Ministry of Mines oversees gold and other minerals, the Ministry of Industry handles manufacturing exports, and the Ministry of Water and Energy is responsible for emerging electricity exports.

Experts recently told Capital that the absence of dedicated export oversight is one of the main reasons for the sector’s underperformance, arguing that more than five ministries currently share responsibility for export development.

Ethiopia previously had a dedicated export-promotion institution. The Ethiopian Export Promotion Agency, established under Proclamation No. 132/1998, played a role in expanding and diversifying the country’s export base, including the development of the flower-export industry.

However, export responsibilities became fragmented among different public institutions and ministries in the mid-2000s.

Experts argue that the current arrangement makes it more difficult to develop a unified national strategy covering production, finance, logistics, market access and export promotion.

Diversification challenge

The growing dependence on gold and coffee is raising questions over whether Ethiopia’s export growth is broad enough to withstand changes in international commodity markets.

Although total export earnings reached a record level, the decline in income from oilseeds and pulses demonstrates that higher export volumes do not necessarily result in higher foreign-currency receipts.

Experts say Ethiopia needs to expand and diversify its export basket alongside the increase in total earnings.

The issue is particularly important because the government has set an even higher export target for the current fiscal year.

For the 2026/27 fiscal year, the government has targeted USD 13.4 billion in export earnings, almost 20 percent above the USD 11.2 billion achieved in 2025/26.

On Wednesday, MoTRI met with exporters to evaluate the previous year’s performance and discuss the target for the current fiscal year.

The central question is not only whether Ethiopia can reach the USD 13.4 billion target, but how much of that growth will come from a diversified export basket rather than continued dependence on gold and coffee.

For exporters, the weak performance of several commodities under MoTRI’s oversight highlights the need for stronger production incentives, closer engagement between policymakers and businesses, and a more coordinated national export strategy.

Global youth unemployment rises to 67 million, ILO warns 

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Global youth unemployment increased to 12.4 percent in 2025, leaving an estimated 67 million people aged 15 to 24 without work, as weak economic growth and insufficient job creation made it more difficult for young people to enter the labour market, according to the International Labour Organization (ILO).

The ILO’s *Global Employment Trends for Youth 2026: Back to the Future* report also found that the share of young people not in employment, education or training rose slightly to 20 percent in 2025, affecting more than 257 million young people worldwide.

The findings point to a worsening employment outlook for a generation entering the workforce amid slowing growth, geopolitical tensions and rapid technological change.

“A generation that cannot find decent work cannot build its future with confidence,” ILO Director-General Gilbert F. Houngbo said in the report.

“When young people are locked out of quality employment, countries lose talent, productivity and social cohesion. Creating decent jobs for young people is not just a social imperative; it is one of the smartest investments a country can make,” he said.

Youth unemployment increased in eight of the world’s 11 subregions between 2023 and 2025, according to the report. The trend signals a renewed global youth-jobs challenge after earlier improvements in several labour markets.

Some of the sharpest increases in youth unemployment were recorded in higher-income economies, where many young people face diminishing opportunities in occupations that have traditionally served as entry points to stable careers.

In Northern America, youth unemployment rose from 8.3 percent in 2023 to 9.8 percent in 2025. In Northern, Southern and Western Europe, the youth unemployment rate remained high at 15 percent in 2025, with 20 of the 29 countries in the subregion reporting worsening employment prospects for young people.

The ILO said the decline in middle-skilled jobs was making it harder for young people to secure stable work. Clerical and administrative work, service and sales jobs, manufacturing-related occupations and some technical positions have traditionally provided pathways into the labour market but are now shrinking.

In developing economies, low unemployment rates often conceal more serious employment insecurity, the report said. Many young people cannot afford to remain unemployed and instead enter informal, low-paid or unstable work with limited social protection.

Nearly nine in 10 young workers aged 15 to 29 in low- and lower-middle-income countries are employed informally, according to the ILO. The report identified sub-Saharan Africa as facing particularly acute demographic pressure, with large numbers of young people entering labour markets that are not generating enough decent jobs.

The Arab States and Northern Africa continue to post the world’s highest youth unemployment rates. Youth unemployment stood at 26.2 percent in the Arab States and 22.6 percent in Northern Africa in 2025. At least one in three young people in both subregions were classified as NEET.

Technological change, particularly advances in artificial intelligence, is also transforming the outlook for young workers.

The report estimates that 6.1 percent of jobs held by people aged 15 to 29 are in occupations highly exposed to AI-related change. Many of these jobs overlap with the middle-skilled occupations that have declined since 2023, especially clerical and administrative work.

However, the report said demand is continuing to grow in knowledge-based technical occupations, including science, health and engineering. It stressed the importance of improving access to education, technical skills and lifelong learning to help young people adapt to labour-market changes.

“There is increasing noise around AI,” said Sukti Dasgupta, Director of the ILO’s Employment, Skills and Sustainable Enterprises Department. “While the direct impact on jobs is still unclear, we must not be complacent and underestimate the risks.”

“We need to step up our investment in skills, lifelong learning and social protection so that young people can adapt to change and seize new opportunities,” she said. “Technological progress, including AI, must work for young people, not against them.”

The ILO called for governments to adopt a human-centred approach to AI governance, invest in quality education and apprenticeships, strengthen employment services and expand social protection for young people.

It also urged policymakers to pursue macroeconomic and sectoral policies that generate more decent jobs, particularly for young women and young people in vulnerable situations.

The central challenge, the report said, is not only to create more jobs, but to ensure that young people can access work that offers security, dignity and a realistic path toward independent adulthood.

Truth has no nationality: Rethinking tradition and intellectual openness

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One of the defining characteristics of a traditional society is its strong attachment to continuity, inherited norms, and established ways of life. Such societies tend to place considerable value on preserving the cultural, religious, social, and moral frameworks through which previous generations have organized their lives. Consequently, ideas that have not been tested or experienced within society may initially be viewed with suspicion, particularly when they appear to challenge long-standing assumptions. Entertaining unfamiliar ideas can therefore be perceived not merely as intellectual exploration, but as a challenge to the norms believed to sustain social order. Tampering with those norms may consequently be interpreted as tampering with the very foundation upon which society stands.

This does not mean that traditional societies are incapable of innovation or that they simply reject everything foreign. Ethiopia itself provides ample evidence of societies engaging with, adapting, and sometimes transforming ideas originating elsewhere. The more significant issue is the strength of the mechanisms through which a community protects its inherited worldview. Where these mechanisms become excessive, even a slight deviation from established norms can invite ridicule, suspicion, ostracization, or, in extreme circumstances, serious threats to the individual.

Think about this from an ordinary Ethiopian social experience. Suppose you begin reading the Bible seriously and, in the process, start questioning some of the premises you have inherited about Christian doctrine. Or perhaps you immerse yourself in philosophy and begin questioning assumptions that your society has long treated itself as self-evident. Before anyone seriously engages with the questions you are raising, you may find yourself being treated as though something is wrong with you. You may be told that you are “crazy,” that you have been influenced by the wrong people, or that you need to be taken to a psychiatrist or to a place of prayer and Holy Water. At the very least, your questions may make ordinary interactions with family members and friends increasingly difficult.

The important point here is not whether every religious or philosophical question is correct. Some ideas can certainly be mistaken, confused, or poorly reasoned. The problem arises when the mere act of questioning an inherited belief itself is treated as evidence of psychological, moral, or spiritual abnormality. Instead of asking, “Is there merit in this person’s argument?”, the community may ask, “What has happened to this person?” The person becomes the problem, and the proposition is never seriously examined.

A common feature of highly traditional social systems, therefore, is the tendency to protect  social order from elements perceived as strange, disruptive, or threatening to continuity. Anyone who challenges deeply established assumptions may consequently be perceived not simply as someone presenting an alternative argument, but as a potential threat to the collective order itself. In this sense, aspects of Ethiopian society can still be understood as strongly shaped by traditional streams of thought: long-standing cultural practices, mores, religious traditions, social conventions, and inherited principles continue to exercise considerable influence over how individuals understand themselves and the world around them.

Difficulty arises when the preservation of social continuity becomes an obstacle to intellectual examination. A society may preserve its identity and cohesion through tradition, but it may also become intellectually restrictive when inherited assumptions are treated as beyond examination. At that point, the introduction of alternative conceptions of human life, society, religion, education, politics, or economics can be met with outright rejection before the ideas themselves have been seriously considered.

Historically, Ethiopian society has encountered modernity gradually and often through difficult negotiations between inherited institutions and new forms of thought and organization. From the period of Emperor Tewodros II through Menelik II and beyond, attempts to reform political institutions, administration, taxation, education, military organization, and other aspects of society encounter resistance from different sections of society. These responses should not be reduced simply to an irrational rejection of modernity. Reform threatened existing interests, authority structures, religious arrangements, political autonomy, and established patterns of life. Resistance to change, therefore, was often simultaneously resistance to the redistribution of power and authority that change could produce.

Emperor Tewodros II provides an important example. His attempts to centralize authority and reform the Ethiopian polity encountered substantial resistance from established political and regional interests. His increasingly coercive response to that resistance illustrates another important dimension of social change: when reform is imposed primarily through a top-down approach, resistance to reform can become intertwined with resistance to the reformer himself. The difficulty is therefore not simply whether a society accepts a new idea, but whether the social and political structures surrounding that idea permit genuine intellectual and institutional transformation.

The same tension can be observed during the reforms associated with Menelik II and subsequent encounters with modern education, technology, administration, and intellectual thought. Ethiopian engagement with modernity has never been a simple movement from tradition to modernity. It has involved selective adoption, adaptation, resistance, negotiation, and reinterpretation. Nevertheless, the persistence of inherited assumptions demonstrates how difficult it can be for a society to reconsider deeply embedded ways of thinking.

The question, therefore, is not whether tradition should disappear. The more important question is how long a society can continue to resist examining ways of thinking, institutional systems, and cultural practices that may contribute to the transformation it urgently seeks.

Truth, Social Acceptance, and Communal Conformity

One area in which a society can experience a serious epistemic limitation is the way it determines the truth value of ideas. The question is whether information and propositions are evaluated primarily according to their evidence, coherence, reason, and correspondence with reality, or according to their consequences for the individual and the community.

In strong communal societies, the social reception of an idea can become an important factor in determining whether that idea is considered acceptable. Individuals may ask not only, “Is this true?” but also, “Will my family accept this?”, “What will my community think?”, or “What will happen to my relationship with those around me if I accept this?” These are legitimate social questions, but they become epistemically problematic when they replace the more fundamental question of whether the proposition itself is true.

Religion provides a particularly visible example. Changing one’s religious conviction may be treated as much more than an individual intellectual or spiritual decision. It may be understood as an offense against family tradition, a rejection of one’s community, or a source of social shame. Consequently, an individual may hesitate to examine religious or philosophical assumptions independently—not necessarily because the existing position has been demonstrated to be true, but because the social consequences of questioning it may be considerable.

This illustrates an important distinction between social legitimacy and truth. A proposition may be socially legitimate because a community accepts it, but social acceptance does not by itself establish its truth. Conversely, a proposition may initially be rejected by a community and yet eventually prove intellectually or empirically defensible.

Communality itself is not the problem. A strong communal structure can provide social support, belonging, mutual responsibility, and solidarity. At the opposite extreme, an individual completely disconnected from the organic bonds of society may experience profound social, psychological, and even economic dislocation. The challenge is therefore not to choose between the individual and the community as though they were mutually exclusive alternatives. The challenge is to establish a healthy relationship between individual intellectual agency and communal belonging.

A mature society should be capable of saying: You belong to us even when you question us. Disagreement should not automatically be interpreted as disrespect, disloyalty, rebellion, or rejection of one’s community. Intellectual disagreement can instead be understood as a legitimate form of inquiry.

History provides numerous examples of individuals who were required to stand intellectually apart from prevailing institutions. Socrates challenged the intellectual assumptions of his society and ultimately paid with his life. Galileo’s conflict with ecclesiastical authority demonstrated the tension that can arise when emerging scientific claims encounter established intellectual and theological frameworks. Martin Luther, despite enormous pressure from the Roman Catholic establishment, refused to recant positions he believed could not be abandoned without violating Scripture and conscience.

Luther’s position is particularly relevant because he was not claiming that truth was whatever an individual personally believed. His argument was that institutional authority could not, by itself, determine truth. His conscience was bound by what he regarded as Scripture and compelling reason. His position illustrates an important principle: intellectual independence is not the same thing as intellectual relativism. To think independently does not mean believing whatever one wishes; it means being willing to examine inherited claims according to reasons and standards that one believes can withstand critical examination.

His challenge contributed to a religious and intellectual movement that profoundly transformed European history. The point is not to portray the Roman Catholic Church simply as an enemy of intellectual inquiry. Medieval Christian institutions also preserved and developed major traditions of scholarship. Figures such as Thomas Aquinas and Augustine engaged deeply with philosophy and theology and contributed enormously to the intellectual development of Europe. Rather, the historical lesson is that even institutions that have made substantial contributions to knowledge can become resistant to particular ideas when those ideas appear to threaten established structures of authority.

The Ethiopian literary tradition also provides an interesting window into this tension. The character of Gudu Kassa in Haddis Alemayehu’s classic novel can be considered in this context. Gudu Kassa represents the social outsider whose ideas and behavior depart from established expectations. Literary interpretations have sometimes understood the character as an authorial vehicle through which Haddis Alemayehu could express unconventional reflections about Ethiopian society. Whether or not one accepts the strongest version of that interpretation, the character illustrates an important social phenomenon: the deviant or eccentric character can become a literary mechanism through which a society explores ideas that are difficult to express or accommodate within its ordinary social boundaries.

Truth Has No Nationality

Suppose you are conducting a training session, writing a book, or introducing a new educational idea. If you present the source as coming from a respected Western university, an international organization, or a well-known foreign scholar, the idea may immediately acquire an aura of credibility. Yet imagine presenting essentially the same idea without the prestigious foreign reference—or, even more provocatively, identifying its source as an Ethiopian teacher, researcher, or practitioner. The reaction may suddenly become more cautious.

Here we encounter another form of epistemic bias: the tendency to judge an idea according to its provenance rather than its merits. At one extreme, an unconventional idea may be dismissed because the person presenting it is considered “crazy.” At the other hand, an idea may be given undue authority because it comes from a prestigious foreign source. In both cases, the central question—“Is the idea true, reasonable, useful, or supported by evidence?”—can be displaced by questions about the identity, status, or origin of the person presenting it.

This is precisely why intellectual maturity requires us to distinguish between the truth of an idea and the social status of its source. An idea does not become false because it comes from an unfamiliar person, nor does it become true because it comes from a prestigious institution or a foreign country.

Truth has no nationality.

Traditional societies have the tendency to evaluate ideas according to their origin. Communities naturally develop intellectual, cultural, and philosophical traditions of their own, and there is nothing inherently wrong with protecting and developing those traditions. The problem begins when the geographical origin of an idea becomes a reason either to accept or reject it.

An idea may be rejected simply because it comes from the West, from another African society, from Addis Ababa, from a particular religious community, or from any other external social context. In such circumstances, the question ceases to be primarily “Is this idea true or useful?” and becomes “Where did this idea come from?” This is a form of provenance bias. The origin of an idea may influence our perception of its credibility, but origin does not determine truth value.

At the same time, recognizing that truth has no nationality does not mean that every foreign idea should automatically be imported into another society. An idea must also be examined for its evidence, coherence, consequences, cultural compatibility, and practical applicability. A policy that succeeds in one country, for example, does not automatically follow that it will produce the same outcome in Ethiopia. Context matters. But context should determine how an idea is adapted and applied, not whether it deserves to be examined in the first place.

The epistemological mistake, therefore, is not preserving one’s cultural identity. The mistake is assuming that cultural authenticity requires intellectual isolation. Defending one’s national or cultural heritage does not require rejecting ideas merely because they originate elsewhere. Political, religious, social, educational, and economic ideas should be examined according to their intellectual and empirical merits.

The same principle works in the opposite direction. We should not assume that everything originating outside Ethiopia is superior simply because it is foreign, modern, or associated with a more technologically advanced society. That would merely replace one form of intellectual dependency with another. The goal should instead be critical appropriation: examining ideas, identifying what is valid, rejecting what is unsound, adapting what is useful, and integrating what can strengthen society without unnecessarily abandoning valuable elements of its own intellectual and cultural inheritance.

The intellectually mature society is therefore neither one that blindly preserves everything inherited nor one that blindly embraces everything new. It is a society capable of asking two difficult questions simultaneously: Can something we have inherited be wrong? Can something that comes from elsewhere be true?

The ability to answer both questions honestly is essential to intellectual maturity. A society must be sufficiently rooted to know what it values, yet sufficiently open to recognize its own limitations. It must be able to preserve tradition without becoming imprisoned by it and engage the outside world without becoming intellectually dependent upon it.

Transformation ultimately requires more than changing institutions. It requires the willingness to examine the assumptions upon which those institutions and social practices rest. Without that intellectual openness, even a society surrounded by technological, political, educational, and economic change may preserve the same underlying patterns of thought.

The challenge before us, therefore, is not to abandon our tradition but to develop the intellectual courage to examine it; not to reject foreign ideas because they are foreign, but to test them without prejudice; and not to accept new ideas merely because they are new, but to subject them to the same standard of reason, evidence, and truth. Only then can openness to new ideas become not an abandonment of identity, but an instrument of genuine transformation.