Thursday, May 7, 2026
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A Dangerous Road: The Economics and Illegality of the Ethiopian Ministry Of Labor and Skills Bank Directive

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In the complex machinery of labor migration, the primary role of a responsible government is to protect its citizens from exploitation while ensuring the efficient flow of remittances. It is with considerable alarm, therefore, that we view the recent directive from the Ministry of Labor and Skills. By mandating that overseas employment agencies deposit all monies—likely including service fees, security bonds, and commission payments, exclusively into accounts held at four state and selected private banks only. The Ministry has not only overstepped its regulatory mandate but has constructed a dangerous impediment to market efficiency.   

This edict is not merely bad policy; it is a move to illegality, standing in direct violation of established economic principles, domestic banking law, the supreme law of the land, and international treaty obligations.

The Economic Distortion: Creating an Oligopoly of Inefficiency

From a purely economic standpoint, the Ministry’s directive is an intervention that introduces significant deadweight loss. By dictating the specific financial institutions with which private businesses must contract, the Ministry has effectively created a government-sanctioned oligopoly. This action violates the fundamental principle of a market economy: the freedom of contract and the efficient allocation of resources.

When agencies are forced to use only the Commercial Bank of Ethiopia, Dashen, Abyssinia and Awash banks only, they lose the ability to shop for competitive exchange rates, lower transaction fees, or superior service and business loans. This increases operational costs. In economics, an increase in transaction costs inevitably leads to a reduction in the volume of trade, and creativity to broaden the sector, this case, the formal processing of overseas employment. This artificially raises the price for the migrant worker, or squeezes the margins of agencies, potentially driving them toward financial loss. Furthermore, it stifles the private banking sector, denying other licensed private banks the liquidity and transaction volume necessary to grow and compete, thereby weakening the very financial liberalization the government claims to seek. The overseas employment agencies security deposit or Commission at any licensed Ethiopian banks must have equal weight. All licensed Ethiopian Banks are equal and must get equal share in competition for better service. BY forcing Ministry’s mandate only in four selected banks, it destroys the long time business relation overseas agents foster with different banks.

The Legal Infraction: Violating NBE Autonomy and the Commercial Code

Legally, the Ministry is venturing into territory constitutionally and statutorily reserved for the National Bank of Ethiopia (NBE). Proclamation No. 1359/2025, the National Bank of Ethiopia Establishment Proclamation, vests the sole authority to regulate banking business, manage foreign exchange and the movement of capital in the NBE. The NBE licenses banks to ensure they are fit to operate; no other Ministry has the authority to deem a licensed financial institution “unfit” for a specific private transaction by regulatory avenue.

Moreover, the Ethiopian Commercial Code guarantees the autonomy of private businesses. Forcing a private employment agency to enter into a contractual relationship with a specific bank violates the principle of freedom of association and contract enshrined in the Code. If an agency wishes to bank with Cooperative Bank of Oromia or Zemen Bank, ABAY Bank or any other bank to secure better services for the deposits they need or to bring quarterly report to the Ministry, the Ministry has no legal standing to void that commercial judgment.

Constitutional Overreach: Infringing on Liberty and Equality

Perhaps most egregiously, this directive runs counter to the Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. Article 41 of the Constitution guarantees every Ethiopian the right to engage in any economic activity. By restricting the financial partners an agency can choose, the Ministry is curtailing the economic rights of those agency owners and their ability to freely conduct business.

Furthermore, the directive creates an unequal playing field. It grants a select few banks a windfall of guaranteed deposits without any competitive tender. This is a violation of the constitutional principles of equality and the right to equal protection of the law (Article 25). Why should a bank that is not on the “chosen four” be denied the opportunity to service this sector? The answer, from a legal standpoint, is that it should not be.

The International Dimension: Breaching Trade Commitments

Finally, this directive places Ethiopia in a precarious position regarding its international commitments, particularly as it negotiates accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO). The WTO’s General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) prohibits quantitative restrictions on financial services. While Ethiopia is not yet a member, the principles underlying the accession process require adherence to non-discriminatory practices.

More specifically, by forcing financial transactions through a closed loop of state-favored banks, the Ministry is creating a technical barrier to the free flow of remittances and payments. International banks corresponding with Ethiopian banks operate on a network of trust and efficiency. If payments are bottlenecked through four institutions, it could be viewed as a restrictive practice, potentially triggering retaliatory measures or complicating correspondent banking relationships, which are already fragile.

Conclusion: A Call for Withdrawal

This directive appears to be a misguided attempt to “secure” Ethiopian overseas agent’s funds or simplify oversight. However, security is not achieved by creating monopolies; it is achieved by fostering a competitive, well-regulated financial sector. The Ministry of Labor and Skills is not a central bank, and it must stop acting like one. Let all Banks engage in the Ministry requirement deposit to agencies under Ethiopian ministry of Labor and skills criteria.

I urge, as an economist, the Ministry to immediately withdraw this directive. It breaches the mandate of NBE as a sole regulator of Commercial Banks in Ethiopia. If there is a need to ensure funds are secure, the proper channel is to request the NBE to issue a standard of financial probity for all licensed banks, not to handpick winners and losers. By ignoring the Constitution, trampling on commercial law, and distorting the market, the Ministry is not protecting migrants; it is undermining the very economic foundations Ethiopia needs to compete in a world stage for strong labor market and able overseas employment sector.

If Democracy Justifies Destruction, What Is Left?

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A war on Iran, driven primarily by the US and Israel, would expose a deep contradiction: the selective application of international law by those who claim to defend it. If this conflict ends not with diplomacy but with Iran’s total destruction—a modern-day Masada—it would raise profound questions about our world.

Western leaders have long invoked a “rules-based international order” as the foundation of global stability. Yet, as war against Iran escalates, these same governments hesitate to apply those rules. Instead of condemnation, we hear rationalizations. Some European leaders have even suggested that international law should not necessarily protect Iran, implying that legal protections can be selectively suspended. This logic undermines the very system Europe claims to defend. International law, enshrined in the UN Charter, prohibits force against another state except in self-defense or with Security Council approval. It was designed to prevent wars of conquest.

Despite this, the bombing of Iran is widely defended in Western discourse as necessary. Some argue it serves the cause of stability or democracy. This is a dangerous assumption: that democracy gives governments moral immunity from war’s consequences. Bombs are not more humane simply because they are dropped by elected officials. Democracy was meant to impose moral limits on power, not legitimize violence against civilians.

Now, If Iran falls like Masada, The consequences will not be confined to the battlefield. The Persian Gulf, through which one-fifth of the world’s oil passes, is a chokepoint. War there is never local. The closure of the Strait of Hormuz would send economic shocks across the globe. Energy prices would surge, supply chains would fracture, and inflation would spread rapidly.

Countries far from the conflict would suffer severe consequences. Ethiopia, which imports nearly all its petroleum, would face higher costs, currency pressure, and rising inflation. A prolonged disruption would increase the cost of fuel, food, and transportation, devastating millions already struggling with living costs. This reveals the absurdity: a war justified in the name of democracy and security could destabilize economies thousands of kilometers away, nations with no role in the conflict.

This is what selective international law produces: wars with global consequences, controlled by a few powerful governments. If Iran is destroyed by overwhelming force, the precedent will be clear. International law will no longer restrain power; power will determine when law matters.

Today the exception is Iran. Tomorrow it could be anyone. Western governments warn about authoritarian states ignoring international norms, yet by selectively applying those norms themselves, they weaken the system they claim to defend. The credibility of international law depends on consistency. If rules apply only to adversaries while allies receive exemptions, they cease to be law and become instruments of political convenience.

Democracy does not resolve this. Elections do not transform war into justice. Parliamentary approval does not make civilian casualties moral. Democratic governments remain capable of catastrophic decisions. The true test of democracy is not whether it can mobilize armies, but whether it can restrain power.

If the war ends with Iran reduced to ruins, the world will face a troubling possibility: the greatest danger to the rules-based order may not be its enemies, but those who claim to defend it.

The Confluence of Geopolitical gambles, Debt burden, and Regional Conflict

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These days, the U.S.-China relationship is characterized by intense rivalry, high-stakes trade disputes and significant interconnected economic ties. These two nations representing the world largest economies, cause tensions to remain high over sky be it in tariff, tread, regional security and stiff technological competition.  The world is wondering whether the intensified pressure under the second period of Trump administration where the motto is MAGA (Making America Great Again) would cause a jump to unwanted escalation.  

In principle nothing is wrong with the effort to make America great but if it is at the expense of others it would undoubtedly create tense environment. Recent developments prioritize deals and summits over confrontation. Trump imposed high tariffs early in 2025, such as 90-120% to minimise Chinese imports and hikes on others up to 150%, intensifying trade disputes. By November 2025, a framework deal led China to suspend retaliatory tariffs since March 2025, dropping their rate on U.S. exports to 21.9% and removing some non-tariff barriers.

Tensions persist in tech chokepoints like semiconductors and rare earths, with mutual awareness leverage preventing full rupture but risking tactical flare-ups. Anything can crack up anywhere any time if the competition is running to create global hegemony with premeditated but covert operation to undermine each other benefit. We don’t really know what would transpire with highly polarized leadership of the time.

The US is setting its eyes on European land (green land), besides it involves with Israel and Iran war. It also openly threatens neighbouring countries sovereignty like Canada’s and Cuba’s and Venezuela’s throwing away all established rules. The aggressive threats in tariff and military actions challenge traditional alliances and economic norms of the world. The geopolitical and economic ball in president Trump court needs careful handling. 

The president ordered 25% tariffs on most Canadian and Mexican imports (10% on energy) under emergency powers, sparking retaliatory measures from others while there is supreme Court invalidation in February 2026. He threatened 100% tariffs on Canada over its China agri/EV deal and up to 150% on autos if tariffs persist, while imposing global 10% rates post-court ruling. This is a moment of truth where free trade is abused openly and the world is watching the gamble.

An executive order authorizes tariffs on countries selling oil to Cuba, citing ties to Russia, Hamas, and Hezbollah, to pressure regime change. These moves prioritize U.S. leverage amid global tensions, including the ongoing U.S.-Israeli strikes on Iran. This is not about healthy competition for development with free and fair trade.

Of Course China’s economy continues with robust growth in 2026 at around 4.8% GDP, driven by surging exports to emerging markets despite U.S. tariffs, opening doors for other developing nations via resilient supply chains and mineral dominance. However, uneven playing fields persist with subsidies and proxy funding distorting fair trade, as Trump’s tariffs disrupt global commerce and test WTO rules.

Exports to emerging economies grew resiliently, with real growth at 8% in 2025, boosting high-tech and competitive goods amid policy easing. Thus, there is a need for pragmatic handling of trade relation to prevent economic and political rupture. The reliance on trade with emerging markets creates a dependency that forces geopolitical rivals to maintain a dialogue.

No truly level field exists, as state subsidies, non-market practices, and geopolitical funding exists. As trade dominance surface in critical sectors like EVs and minerals, WTO is currently in a state of paralysis, facing reform calls for plurilaterals, transparency, and transitional aid to least-developed countries, amid U.S. tariff disputes.

Since consensus among 164 members is impossible, the future lies in plurilateral agreements as the ripple effect is sever for LDC (Least Developed Countries). Such pragmatic handling via variable geometry could prevent escalation while addressing distortions. If the rich nations otherwise rewrite the rules for the green transition without providing the technology transfer or financing LDCs to participate, they will cement a new form of permanent inequity.

Geopolitical funding (from China or US allies) often force LDCs to extract raw materials, but the processing and profit (the “trade dominance”) happens in the industrial power. This locks LDCs into the bottom of the value chain, exposing them to price volatility without the benefits of free trade and industrialization.

Price volatility can lead to economic instability in LDCs as they struggle to balance budgets and plan for future development. Random fluctuations in commodity prices can result in sudden drops in national revenue, impacting public services and infrastructure projects. Further dependence on raw material exports leaves LDCs vulnerable to global market challenge, hindering their economic growth and hampering their diversification efforts.

Superpower rivalry in the name of free trade traps, developing nations attempt to make economic progress. Their geopolitical gamble at the expense of the poor is with vested interest.

While covert proxy wars remain undergoing in limited extent, the U.S.-China and others economic warfare may pass over proxy to destabilize LDC. Their competition for resource in Africa, Asia and Latin America could indirectly harm LDCs in these continents via debt traps, fragmented aid, and other mechanism of resource contests.

Such geopolitical dynamics has already resulted systemic wave of economic and political challenge. In Southeast Asia, border clashes like Thailand-Cambodia escalate with U.S.-Thai alliances versus China’s BRI ties to Cambodia, risking humanitarian crises without full superpower invasion.

Thus, there is a need for structural changes to reduce the dependency on raw material exports, to withstand volatility of commodity prices effect which creates significant vulnerabilities that undermine development efforts and economic stability of Less Developed Countries (LDCs) in the global economic system.

Major powers often pursue strategic interests that may not align with the development needs of poorer nations. Their competition for resources and influence can manifest itself in various ways – from investment patterns, aid conditionality’s to trade agreements and diplomatic pressure.

While LDCs recognize the need to diversify their economies, the path to diversification is uptight with difficulties including limited capital, vested interests of the super powers in the name of free trade and the geopolitical atmosphere effect. The path forward likely requires both structural reforms at the international level – including more stable commodity pricing mechanisms, fairer trade rules, and development-focused investment frameworks and domestic strategies that build resilience, add value to exports and gradually reduce the dependency on volatile primary commodities.

The challenge lies in smart handling of these complex dynamics of geopolitical gamble of the super powers for economic dominance while maintaining policy space for development-oriented strategies. LDCs debt burdens from Chinese, IMF and World Bank loans is complicating workout.

LDCs are indeed squeezed between superpower rivalry and multilateral debt demands, complicating workouts as Chinese bilateral loans resist haircuts while IMF/World Bank conditionality limits fiscal flexibility. Besides, geopolitical crosscurrents amplify this, forcing policy trade-offs amid U.S.-China bids for influences and the current Middle East conflict’s ripple effects at play. LDCs are being caught in the crosscurrents of geopolitical condition and complex debt negotiations.

Currently it is imperative to consider the effect of the likelihood of the Strait of Hormuz closure which is no longer a distant hypothetical but a central and immediate reality of the current conflict. This has immediate potential oil price impacts, supply chain disruptions, and may cascade into LDC vulnerabilities and inflation risks. As of this week, Iran has declared the Strait closed, and global energy and shipping markets are reacting in real-time. This development dramatically amplifies the pressures on LDCs. The closure translates directly into concrete economic shocks.

Brent crude surged above $79/barrel and it has potential to hit $100-$120/barrel if disruption prolonged. 33% of global fertilizer (sulphur, ammonia) transits through Hormuz as Iran bans all food/agricultural exports Urea prices is spiking (e.g., +$60/ton in Egypt. Strait “closed” by Iran, traffic halted. Major insurers cancel war risk coverage. Shipping giants (Maersk, CMA CGM) suspend transit through this route. Rerouting via Africa adds ~40% t costs plus delays. Come what may, inflationary pressures may rise worldwide.

In summary, LDCs being squeezed from all sides—creditors, superpowers, regional conflicts must make every endeavour to neutralize or reduce the effect with pragmatic approach to secure way out or reduce the burden of confluence of overwhelming external pressures.