Saturday, May 16, 2026
Home Blog Page 14

Building a united front to address structural barriers to sustainable development in Africa 

0

Major groups and other stakeholders at the Africa Regional Forum on Sustainable Development (ARFSD12) are in agreement on the need for urgent action to overcome structural barriers that hinder development across the continent.

This category of ARFSD stakeholders includes civil society, business and industry organizations, and academic and research institutions gathered to address the pressing challenges impeding progress towards the 2030 Agenda and Agenda 2063. The discussions revealed uneven progress and structural constraints

They underscored that despite some advancements, progress in Africa remains uneven and significantly constrained by major obstacles, such as growing debt vulnerabilities, declining official development assistance, data gaps, weak accountability, and shrinking civic space. 

Participants underscored the importance of adopting people-centered and rights-based approaches to ensure that no one is left behind. This entails a particular focus on vulnerable groups, including women, youth, persons with disabilities, and marginalized communities. To support these efforts, they called for inclusive and disaggregated data systems, gender-responsive budgeting, and stronger connections between national commitments and local implementation.

KfW Development Bank becomes an ATIDI Shareholder, Enhances German Investment Opportunities in Africa

0

The German development bank KfW acting on behalf of and for the account of the Federal Republic of Germany has become the latest shareholder in the African Trade & Investment Development Insurance (ATIDI). KfW becomes the 13th Institutional shareholder in Africa’s premier development insurer, further strengthening the organization’s capital base and its capacity to support trade and investment across the continent.

The official signing of the subscription agreement between the two organizations is being marked on the occasion of a meeting held today in Nairobi between ATIDI’s CEO and the German Federal Minister for Economic Cooperation and Development, Reem Alabali Radovan. The new shareholding underscores Germany’s commitment to strengthening its economic partnership with Africa and to supporting African institutions that facilitate trade and investment across the continent.

True financial inclusion requires reaching everyone

0

In Ethiopia, approximately more than 87% of the population lacks access to formal credit. For a young entrepreneur in Addis Ababa with a viable business idea but no collateral, or a rural farmer seeking capital to invest in equipment, the barrier is unbeatable. This is not a minor gap it is a structural failure that leaves millions of capable individuals and small businesses locked out of economic opportunity. Lending policy plays a central role in shaping who gets access to finance and who remains excluded.

In most banking systems, credit naturally flows toward established clients: those with collateral, steady income, and proven repayment histories. While this approach protects banks from risk, it also creates a self-reinforcing cycle of exclusion. New borrowers: no matter how capable cannot access credit because they lack the very markers that the system uses to measure creditworthiness. As a result, financial inclusion remains limited, and economic opportunities are unevenly distributed across the population.

Institutions such as the National Bank of Ethiopia (NBE) and policymakers including the finance minister play a decisive role in shaping how credit is allocated across the economy. Lending policies are not merely technical tools they reflect national priorities, whether that is stability, growth, or inclusion.

The challenge is real: How do policymakers balance the legitimate need to maintain financial discipline and protect the banking system with the equally pressing imperative to expand access to those who have traditionally been excluded? This tension is not unique to Ethiopia. Across the developing world, central banks and finance ministries face the same question.

A Concrete Solution: The 15% New-Borrower Requirement

What if lending policy went a step further?

Imagine a system where banks are required to dedicate at least 15% of their lending portfolio to new borrower individuals or businesses with little or no prior access to formal credit. Such a rule would directly challenge the status quo by ensuring that first-time entrants are consistently included in the financial system.

Banks would be required to define “new borrowers” using clear, auditable criteria for instance, individuals with no prior loan history in the formal banking system, verified through credit registries. To prevent gaming, regulators would monitor approval rates and portfolio performance, ensuring banks are genuinely extending credit rather than simply approving trivial loans. Banks that fail to meet the 15% target within a defined grace period would face proceeded penalties: first, mandatory reporting and corrective action plans; eventually, regulatory sanctions or penalties that increase the cost of non-compliance.

Banks will resist this requirement, and their concerns deserve serious engagement. A 15% new-borrower mandate could increase default rates, as inexperienced borrowers present higher risk. It may also require banks to invest in new infrastructure training credit officers, developing alternative assessment tools, and building systems to manage higher transaction costs for smaller loans. These are real costs that will likely be passed on to consumers through higher interest rates or fees.

However, the social return on this investment is substantial. Research from similar interventions shows that default rates for new borrowers stabilize within 2-3 years as borrowers develop repayment discipline, and that the net benefit of increased economic activity, job creation, business growth, tax revenue far exceeds the cost of higher credit losses.

The specific percentage is worth debating. Some might argue for 10% to reduce bank burden; others propose 20% to maximize inclusion. The ideal number depends on a country’s banking infrastructure, the baseline default rate, and the size of the unbanked population. The important point is that some binding requirement creates accountability, whereas voluntary guidelines rarely move markets.

For example India offers instructive evidence. Under the Reserve Bank of India’s priority sector lending framework, banks must allocate 40% of net bank credit to priority sectors, including agriculture and small businesses. Between 2010 and 2020, this requirement helped expand formal credit access to over 300 million previously unbanked Indians. While not all borrowers succeeded the overall impact was transformative. Agricultural productivity increased, rural entrepreneurship surged, and millions moved from informal to formal credit systems.

For individuals, the benefits of formal credit access are direct: capital to start businesses, pursue education, or manage financial shocks without resorting to predatory informal lending. For the broader economy, the impact would be multiplied. Research from the World Bank shows that each percentage point increase in financial inclusion correlates with 0.5-1% additional GDP growth over five years, driven by increased entrepreneurship, job creation, and a more inclusive growth trajectory.

In Ethiopia specifically, with youth unemployment exceeding 25% in urban areas and agricultural productivity stagnating, financial inclusion is not a poverty relief program it is an economic imperative.

A successful 15% requirement would require complementary measures:

– Capacity building: Regulators and banks would need to invest in training staff in alternative assessment methods analyzing transaction data, cash flow patterns, and social collateral rather than physical assets.

– Credit registry development: A robust credit information system is essential to identify new borrowers and track their repayment behavior.

– Gradual phase-in: Rather than implementing the requirement immediately, policymakers could phase it in over 2-3 years, allowing banks time to build capacity.

– Regular review: The policy should be evaluated annually, with adjustments made based on implementation experience and evolving financial conditions.

A new-borrower requirement is not a hypothetical policy proposal it is a proven lever for expanding financial access when thoughtfully designed and implemented. The evidence from India, combined with the urgent need for inclusion in Ethiopia, points toward a clear policy imperative: lending rules that incentivize banks to move beyond their traditional comfort zones can unlock economic opportunity for those who have long been left out.

The question for policymakers is not whether financial inclusion is important, that is settled. The question is whether they have the will to reshape lending policy to make it real. In doing so, they would not only lift millions out of exclusion; they would unleash growth that benefits the entire economy.

Gedion Belete is a journalist and communications manager and can be reached via gedionb4@gmail.com

From bombs to banks: The new frontier redefining global conflict

0

The landscape of global conflict is rapidly evolving, particularly since the end of the Cold War. Events like the post-9/11 era and the financial upheaval of 2008 have accelerated this transformation, ushering in a new paradigm where traditional military engagements are increasingly replaced by economic warfare. However, economic warfare often operates in a murky grey zone, lacking clear declarations or endpoints.

Traditional warfare was visible, loud, and bloody. It involved the use of bullets, bombs, missiles, tanks, ships, and soldiers, with the goal of destroying enemy forces, infrastructure, or territory. It had defined thresholds, including declarations of war, ceasefire treaties, peace agreements, and mechanisms for accountability regarding war crimes.

In contrast, economic warfare exists in a grey area, typically without a formal “start” or “end.” Actions such as freezing central bank assets or imposing bans on high-tech exports can occur overnight, escalate gradually, and be lifted as bargaining chips. This ambiguity complicates the ability of domestic populations and international bodies to demand proportionality or judicial review.

Examples of conventional warfare include World Wars I and II, the Vietnam War, the Iran–Iraq War, the Gulf War of 1991, and the early stages of the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. These conflicts utilized conventional weapons to inflict pain and damage on the enemy.

Conversely, economic means—such as trade restrictions, sanctions, tariffs, currency manipulation, asset freezes, investment controls, and supply chain weaponization—are becoming prevalent strategies to weaken or defeat adversaries without engaging in direct, large-scale combat. This form of conflict can have a more profound impact than even the most advanced weaponry, as economic pressures can reach far and wide, often with no clear trajectory, resembling a new version of the Cold War.

While the original Cold War was characterized by ideological blocs and proxy battles, today’s multipolar economic warfare is more fragmented. Economic warfare has evolved into a stealthier, more pervasive tool than kinetic strikes, reshaping global power dynamics in ways that the original Cold War never anticipated. Though it may seem hyperbolic to compare it to a new version of the Cold War, the economic damage inflicted can indeed be more extensive than that caused by any projectile.

A tariff or visa ban lacks a radar signature; there is no missile defense against a sudden ban on dual-use machine tool exports. The defense lies in resilience—through stockpiles and alternative suppliers—or deterrence, by holding critical assets that the adversary needs. Unlike missiles, which can be intercepted, tariffs and export bans operate at the speed of bureaucracy and policy decisions.

The reach of economic warfare can exceed that of hypersonic missiles. For instance, U.S. sanctions on Russia following the 2022 invasion of Ukraine froze over $300 billion in assets, spiked global energy prices, and indirectly threatened food security in Africa due to fertilizer shortages. Similarly, U.S. measures against Iran since 2018, including sanctions and an oil export ban, resulted in a 90% reduction in oil exports, forcing Tehran to barter with China and causing a ripple effect of higher global LNG prices.

Economic warfare is often characterized as invisible, deniable, and continuous, making it difficult to intervene through legal sanctions. This form of warfare has a serious and widespread impact on civilians in distant locations who bear no responsibility. Such actions may be classified as either legal or extralegal, yet their effects are immensely powerful, capable of reaching long-range targets more swiftly than supersonic missiles and causing more damage than cluster bombs.

Weaponizing interdependence by disrupting supply chains and dismantling interconnected financial systems and energy flows has become a strategy for exploiting vulnerabilities, creating existential risks. Economic warfare now serves as the next-best option for coercion below the nuclear threshold. Since 2008 (and more clearly after 2014 and 2022), rivals such as Russia and China have developed counter-weaponization tools—such as foreign currency reserves, SWIFT alternatives, and commodity leverage—indicating a need to revise the old playbook.

A tariff hike or asset freeze can be framed as measures for “national security” or “anti-money laundering,” rather than acts of war, even though they can have more severe consequences than conventional physical conflict. Unlike a bombing campaign that has a defined end, sanctions can persist for decades, as seen in the cases of Iraq in the 1990s and ongoing measures against Iran and Russia since 2014.

The legality of such actions is often ambiguous. They may technically fall under WTO exceptions (such as the GATT Article XXI security exemption) or UN Charter Article 41 (sanctions), yet they can also be unilateral and extralegal. The financial contagion effect means that sanctions on a Russian bank can disrupt grain shipping insurance, leading to increased food prices in places like Cairo or Nairobi. This collateral damage occurs without the use of bombs, and its impacts can be far-reaching because they are non-kinetic.

The spillover effects are significant: sanctioning a Russian bank can disrupt grain and fertilizer supply chains, raising food prices in Africa and the Middle East, while targeting Chinese tech firms can disrupt global semiconductor production, affecting automakers in Germany and electronics assemblers in Vietnam. Unlike traditional battlefields where civilians can flee, the collateral damage of economic warfare is embedded in globalized systems and often impacts neutral or uninvolved countries the hardest.

In an era where nuclear deterrence has made direct great-power conflict seem suicidal, states have shifted to subtler instruments of coercion. Economic warfare—comprising sanctions, trade barriers, currency manipulation, and supply-chain disruptions—has emerged as the weapon of choice, inflicting strategic pain without the need for military action.

This transition from kinetic warfare to economic pressure represents a profound evolution in great-power competition, blending statecraft with market forces. It is war by other means, yet lacks the oversight typically associated with traditional military engagements. The new norm suggests that conflicts are increasingly waged through economic means rather than conventional military actions.

Nuclear-armed states (Russia, China, and the U.S.) are less likely to engage in direct conflict, yet they readily utilize economic tools to inflict pain—actions that, in a pre-nuclear era, might have prompted airstrikes or blockades. This creates a dangerous stability/instability paradox: while direct clashes are reduced, low-intensity economic conflict persists, undermining global governance.

Economic warfare now occupies a space below conventional warfare but above diplomacy, highlighting the complex dynamics of modern international relations.

The transition from kinetic warfare to economic coercion represents a significant evolution in great-power competition, merging statecraft with market forces. Traditional warfare involved symmetric force (such as tanks facing tanks) with clear frontlines and oversight from the Geneva Conventions. In contrast, economic warfare exploits the vulnerabilities of globalization by targeting interdependence. It is warfare by other means, yet lacks established rules for oversight. This serves as a humble call for world leaders to convene and create mechanisms to address this hidden threat.

This new form of conflict employs tools like sanctions, trade restrictions, and currency manipulation to exert pressure on adversaries without direct military action. The implications of these strategies are profound, causing damage that often extends beyond immediate targets, affecting civilian populations and destabilizing regions in ways that conventional weapons cannot. Is it too much to suggest that this constitutes a subtle world war?

The absence of robust rules and oversight mechanisms in economic warfare heightens risks to global stability, as tools such as sanctions and financial restrictions can operate more swiftly and broadly than traditional military actions. World leaders must prioritize multilateral dialogue to establish binding frameworks that ensure accountability and proportionality. The evolution of economic warfare signifies not just a tactical shift but a fundamental change in the nature of international relations.