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Can new wave of African cyclists produce ‘second Biniam Girmay’?

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Milkias Maekele may look young for a professional cyclist, but the 19-year-old already has the confident air of a champion.

Following victory in a one-day race in Algeria this year, the Eritrean sprinter is drawing comparisons with a compatriot who has reached the pinnacle of the sport.

Rumours abound that Maekele’s power output and associated data match levels recorded at a similar age by Biniam Girmay, the green jersey winner at last year’s Tour de France – fuelling a growing excitement about his potential.

“Many people have told me I might become the second Biniam,” Maekele told BBC Sport Africa.

“I am incredibly happy about this and it gives me so much motivation.”

Yet his fledgling career has already provided several challenging moments.

“I was nervous and doubted myself,” he said.

“I asked whether I was good enough or if I should, like many others my age back home, go into the military.”

Rather than return to the Eritrean capital Asmara, Maekele’s persistence on the bike has been rewarded – as he was handed a contract by Bike Aid earlier this month.

Maekele is the 24th rider from the continent – and 11th from Eritrea – to appear for the German-registered outfit since they turned professional in 2013.

“Eritrea is a cycling-crazy country full of passion and raw talent,” team manager Matthias Schnapka said.

“Milkias’ route into international cycling has not been easy, but we genuinely believe in him.”

Speed and hunger

Maekele, a tall, thoughtful and articulate young man, now aims to repay Bike Aid’s faith.

He began to do that at the Tour of Mersin in Turkey, securing third place in Sunday’s final stage and finishing 13th in the points classification.

Fellow Eritrean Metkel Eyob, who also raced at the event, sees Maekele as a rider with “real sprinting talent”.

“His explosive acceleration and fearless racing style mark him as another future contender from Africa in world cycling,” Eyob said.

“He has the natural speed and hunger to become Eritrea’s next great sprinter.”

While Girmay is the poster boy for African cycling on the elite stage, the number of professionals from across the continent is steadily increasing.

There were a total of 17 entrants from Africa among the 171 declared starters at the Tour of Mersin, making it the largest ever such contingent at a professional road race sanctioned by the world governing body (UCI) on European soil.

According to Team Africa Rising, a non-profit organisation which helps riders and teams access equipment and training, there are almost 150 male and female riders from the continent who hold professional deals this season.

Those are encouraging numbers just five months away from the UCI Road World Championships, which will be held in Africa for the first time when Rwanda hosts in September.

“Seeing the start list for the Tour of Mersin, I had a real feeling of affirmation that all the work we have been doing since 2007 is really paying off,” Team Africa Rising chief executive Kimberly Coats said.

“This year is a key moment for cycling in Africa. It is just brilliant to see the growth.”

African riders on the rise

When the first African riders started competing in Europe a decade ago, in many cases they were forced to fight it out in races as individuals.

Now that they are getting significant real estate as part of teams in the peloton, it makes them feel less like outsiders.

“When you are in cycling and doing such difficult races, only you and the riders around you know how hard it is,” explained Coats.

“When you are surrounded by Europeans, it is hard to relate and communicate.

“When you have riders around you to whom you can relate better, it helps the mental processing in a race.”

Ethiopia’s Kiya Rogora, who rides for continental tour team X-Speed United, is another good example of the young talent beginning to make a mark.

“I am still learning my craft and being at these big European races is the best way to do this,” the 21-year-old told the BBC.

“They are much more intense and competitive.

“Seeing my fellow East African riders at these races really inspires me. It can be lonely sometimes, and seeing so many guys I know in one place is just wonderful.”

Inspiring the next generation

At the other end of the age spectrum is Madar Pro Cycling Team’s Azzedine Lagab, an Algerian who is regarded as one of the most efficient and intelligent African riders.

The 38-year-old, in his 14th season as a professional, provides an example to follow for the South Africans and fellow Algerians on what is the continent’s top-ranked team.

“I do not feel like a guide myself but just feel proud when some of the younger guys are showing respect to me,” he said.

“I was so happy when some of them in Turkey told me I was their inspiration.”

South Africa’s Stefan de Bod took the overall race win at the Tour of Mersin, while seven Africans finished in the top 25 in the general classification.

More riders from across the continent are expected to take part in key races across Europe in the coming months in preparation for their ‘home’ event in Rwanda in September.

Whether or not calls to declare cycling the ‘second sport of Africa’ are eventually successful, the continent is certainly rising on two wheels.

1. Name Dechas Bale

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2. Education (የትምህርት ደረጃ)

High School Certificate

3. Company name (የመስሪያ ቤቱ ስም)

TL Motor Vehicle Importer

4. Title (የስራ ድርሻ)

Sales Manager and partner

5. Founded in (መቼ ተመሰረተ )

2023

6. What it does (ምንድነው የሚሰራው )

Import of vehicles

7. Headquarters (ዋና መስሪያቤት )

Harar

8. Start-up capital (በምን ያህል ገንዘብ ስራዉን ጀመርክ/ሽ)

Over 5 million birr

9. Current capital (የአሁን ካፒታል )

Growing

10. Number of employees ( የሰራተኞች ቁጥር)

8

11. Reason for starting the business (ለስራዉ መጀመር ምክንያት )

Adapting affordable and reliable vehicles to the needs of the country

12. Biggest perk of ownership (የባለቤትነት ጥቅም)

Being able to create opportunities for the work of others

13. Biggest Strength (ጥንካሬህ/ሽ)

Creating strong relationships based on trust with customers

14. Biggest Challenge (ተግዳሮት )

Dealing with visible fluctuations in foreign exchange rates and complex customs regulations

15. Plan (እቅድ)

Expanding the import and market of electric vehicles

16. First career path (የመጀመሪያ ስራ)

Sales rep at a local used car dealership company

17. Most interested in meeting (ማግኘት የምትፈልገው/ጊዉ ሰዉ)

Elon Musk

18. Most admired person (የምታደንቀው /ቂዉ ሰዉ)

None

19. Stress reducer (ጭንቀትህን የሚያቀልልህ/ሽ)

Spending time with family

20. Favorite book (የመፅሐፍ ምርጫ)

Qur’an

21. Favorite pastime (ማድረግ የሚያስደስትህ/ሽ)

Exploring new places, both locally and overseas

22. Favorite destination to travel to (ከኢትዮጵያ ዉጪ መሄድ የምትፈልጊው/ገዉ ቦታ)

Germany

23. Favorite automobile (የመኪና ምርጫ)

Toyota Hilux

Partying in Trouble

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Once upon a time, political parties were the engines of democracy. They were built on clear ideological foundations, offering voters real choices between competing visions for society. Socialists and capitalists, conservatives and liberals-each camp had its own policies, values, and loyal base. Elections were meaningful contests, and the party that won the most support took up the mantle of government, tasked with turning its promises into reality.

Fast forward to today, and the political landscape looks unrecognizable. Across much of the world, political parties have become homogenized, especially on economic issues. The once-stark differences between left and right have faded, replaced by a near-universal embrace of capitalist orthodoxy. As a result, voters-the so-called “sheeple”-have grown disillusioned and apathetic, tuning out of political contests that seem to offer little more than variations on the same theme.

The root of this malaise lies in the seismic shifts that followed the end of the Cold War. With the collapse of the Soviet Union and China’s pivot to market reforms, capitalism became the dominant global ideology. International institutions like the World Bank, IMF, and WTO-backed by the economic and military might of the West-set the rules for a globalized economy. National governments, regardless of party, found their policy space shrinking as these institutions enforced a neoliberal consensus.

This has had profound consequences for democracy. Political parties, once vehicles for popular will, have become subservient to what some call the “deep state”-the military-intelligence-industrial-banking-media complex that shapes the global order. In this environment, parties have lost their teeth, and voters have lost faith. The cyclical theatrics of elections no longer inspire hope or participation; instead, they breed cynicism and disengagement.

Recent studies and global data confirm this trend: party membership is down, voter turnout is falling, and the stability of party systems is eroding. Even in Europe, the birthplace of the modern party system, traditional parties are hemorrhaging support as voters flock to new, often fringe, and alternatives. The old two-party dominance of center-left and center-right is crumbling, replaced by volatility and a search for something-anything-different.

Into this vacuum have stepped outsiders and populists, often with little political experience but plenty of charisma and promises of change. From Donald Trump in the United States to the Five Star Movement in Italy and the rise of the Sweden Democrats, voters are increasingly willing to gamble on candidates and parties outside the mainstream. These outsiders are often propelled by a sense that traditional parties have been captured by elites and no longer serve the interests of ordinary people. In countries with high inequality, the appeal of populist outsiders is especially strong.

This global phenomenon is not limited to the West. Across central and eastern Europe, Latin America, and elsewhere, outsider candidates are winning elections, upending established orders, and sometimes governing with little regard for the norms and institutions that once defined democratic life. The result is a period of political turbulence, with old parties struggling to adapt and new movements struggling to govern.

Nowhere is this crisis more visible than in France, where the “Yellow Vest” movement has captured the world’s attention. Frustrated by a political system that seems unresponsive and remote, ordinary citizens have taken to the streets, demanding not just policy changes but a new kind of democracy altogether. The Yellow Vests are not a traditional party; they are a loosely organized, radically democratic response to growing social inequalities and the bankruptcy of representative politics. Their demands go beyond economic relief-they seek direct democracy, with citizens having a direct say in the decisions that shape their lives.

This push for direct democracy is a logical response to the failures of the party system. As the deep state and its media allies work to marginalize such movements, the Yellow Vests have adapted, avoiding centralized leadership and using both online and offline platforms to organize and deliberate. Their call for Citizens’ Initiative Referendums would allow the public to propose, repeal, or revise laws directly-a direct challenge to elite control of the political process.

Modern technology offers new possibilities for democratic participation. Smartphones, social media, and digital platforms can facilitate real-time deliberation and decision-making, bypassing the traditional gatekeepers of political parties and professional politicians. But these tools also pose risks. The same technologies that empower citizens can be used by the deep state to surveil, manipulate, and suppress dissent. The struggle for direct democracy, like the French Revolution before it, will not be easily won.

The worldwide decline in party strength is not necessarily a death knell for democracy. Party replacement can renew the democratic process, allowing new and innovative movements to emerge. But if the underlying causes-economic inequality, elite capture, and the erosion of meaningful policy choices-are not addressed, the crisis of legitimacy will only deepen.

Political parties created modern democracy, but they are now in trouble. Their decline raises fundamental questions about accountability, representation, and the quality of democracy itself. As the center disappears and volatility increases, the future of democratic politics is up for grabs.

Will parties adapt and re-earn the trust of voters? Or will new forms of direct, participatory democracy take their place? The answer will shape the fate of democracy in the 21st century. One thing is clear: the old ways are no longer working, and the sheeple are no longer content to be herded. The time for renewal is now.