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Andargachew Tsige

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Like an athlete that won a championship trophy Andargachew Tsige received a hero’s welcome and was surrounded by admiring fans when he just arrived at his father’s house around the place commonly known as Olympia. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed also met with him to talk about how the opposition and the government can work together peacefully.
Andargachew is married to British citizen Yemiserach Hailemariam (Yemi). They have three children together. He studied philosophy at the University of Greenwich in the early 1980s. He served as the secretary-general of Ginbot 7, a political party which has been labeled as a terrorist group by the Ethiopian government.
When the Derg was overthrown in 1991, Andargachew came back to Ethiopia to help the newly formed Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), government led by his former university friend Meles Zenawi. Within two years, he left EPRDF and left the government. He moved back to London and started writing articles that were critical of the regime.
In May 2008, he founded the Ginbot 7 Movement for Justice, Freedom and Democracy with Berhanu Nega (PhD).  He was elected Secretary General of Ginbot 7.
On 22 December 2009 Andargachew was sentenced to death in absentia.
On 23 June 2014, he was once again imprisoned. He was arrested by Yemeni security forces, in collaboration with Ethiopian intelligence service members, at Yemen’s Sana’a International Airport while in transit from the United Arab Emirates to Eritrea. Last Tuesday he was freed from prison.
Capitals’ Tesfaye Getnet talked with Andargachew to learn more about his prison life and future plans before he travelled to London to reunite with his family. Excerpts:

 

Capital: We saw that you received a warm welcome when you got out of prison. How did you feel when you saw this?

Andargachew Tsige: I was overwhelmed because it is not something that I expected so I was very surprised. The emotion and the number of people around shocked me. The reception was very warm and well organized. I greatly appreciate everything they have done.

Capital: You were detained in June 2014 and transferred to Addis and to unknown location, where was that?

Andargachew: After catching me in Yemen  and returning me to Addis Ababa, I was in custody under intelligence services in a villa house in a location I did not know but I think that the place was somewhere around Genet Hotel, however I am not 100 percent sure about that.

Capital: Did you expect that the government security agents could catch you in Yemen’s capital Sana’a while you headed to Eritrea?

Andargachew: Yes, a little bit. I was afraid because there was a little bit of amateurism on my part. It would have been better if I had spent an extra USD 400 for the first class ticket rather than taking a risk by using a cheaper airline which allow easier access for the government security forces. I travelled with Yemen Airways because it was cheaper but I had USD 4,000 in my pocket but I did not want to spend another USD 400 to take a safer airline but in hindsight that is what I should have done.

Capital: Last Wednesday you had a meeting with Ethiopia’s new Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, what were the major issues you discussed?

Andargachew: I am not going into the detail but I can assure you that I was very pleased for the opportunity to talk with him and our discussion was positive.

Capital: When you were in prison there was unrest across the country did you know about that?

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Andargachew: I was denied any form of communication and did not have much information at the time but now and then very close to where I was I could hear a large women’s cell and they had a television set so when they increased the volume I could hear some of the news but I did not understand the context of the news because the prison was full of other background noises. I did know there were some problems occurring in the country.

Capital: After the appointment of the new PM, the charges filed against many politicians have been dropped and they have been released from prison, what do you think about this?

Andargachew: It is a good beginning and it has made a lot of people in and outside the country hopeful. I hope this continues. However, these are the early days and there are a number of issues that need to be tackled. For example there are still many political prisoners in jail. The government should release them. To say that Ethiopia doesn’t  have political prisoners  is a joke because there are many people who are in prison because of their political views and it doesn’t matter what sort of political activities they were conducting and if you need to create a conducive  political atmosphere you should talk with everyone despite their views. You must release them and broaden the political space. There are also other issues which require the government to institutionalize certain things. I know it is not easy to reform the judiciary, the army, the security forces and even the media in a single night but the symbolic steps that the PM is doing now will encourage other positive things.

Capital: Some say the ethnic mindset is stronger than nationalism in the country, what is the reason behind this?

Andargachew: That is the political ideology the current ruling party, EPRDF, pursued from the very beginning. I objected to this as far back as 1991. I’ve written arguments to oppose ethnic based governance. In my view respecting the rights of nations and nationalities to use their languages, to administer themselves are the right things to do. But creating a political system based on identity and ethnicity creates problems. I have always argued such kind of governing style would cause a serious problem in the country. I have explained it many times. Political parties should rename themselves.  Instead of becoming the Amhara People’s Organization they should just call it the Amahra Region. This way the people who live in the region will feel part of that area regardless of their ethnicity. When you specify one ethnicity it atomically excludes other people in that area. And the organization like Oromo Peoples’ Democratic Organization (OPDO), Amhara National Democratic Movement, the Southern Ethiopian Peoples’ Democratic Front and the Tigrayan Peoples’ Liberation Front (TPLF) should change their name by using regional based names. Using geographical area names will not violate basic constitutional rights. There is precedence for this in the UK and other countries.
Capital: When we look at Ethiopian political parties, some use armed struggle and some use the same ideology but works separately, in your view why are opposition parties not working together?

Andargachew: It is a difficult question to answer. We have to do something about it because it is a very serious shortcoming. It is not only the lack of political space and development in the country, it is the weakness of the opposition parties like the inherent weakness of the ruling party, EPRDF. We have a serious problem in organizing political groups and we should work to overcome this challenge.

Capital: You are now a free man, what will you do now?

Andargachew: We have started something, it is not finished yet. We will continue our  struggle. How we continue is another issue which we need to consider.

Capital: The Attorney General has also dropped the charges against your colleague, Birhanu Nega. What is your comment about this?

Andargachew: It is good, all these steps are very good actions; appropriate and encouraging ones. As long as they are appropriate measures, we will support them with a kind heart. I have said it many times we don’t have a permanent opposition thinking, we oppose only concrete problems which need to be solved. Only a mad or sick person would oppose positive things.

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Capital: How can the Diaspora actively participate in their country’s social, cultural, economic and political development?

Andargachew: That is another issue, I will travel today {Thursday} and we will discuss it with the diaspora. We have to understand that there is huge potential within the diaspora. The diaspora has never been against their people .They have advanced ideas and see that how people are living in better human, political and economic situations and they want to see this in their own country. Due to the poor ear that we give to the diaspora we are not getting enough support for their intellectual or financial assistance. We should tackle these challenges. I understand that the new PM is very enthusiastic about working with the Diaspora.

Capital: What is your message to your people?

Andargachew: There are a lot of issues that needs to be sort out in this country in a very calm and composed way. We need to solve our problems. We need to be organized to meet our goals. An unorganized struggle has no meaning, and we should advocate for our cause not just fight one or another group.

Italian National Day

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On the occasion of Italian National Day, the Italian Cultural Institute together with the Embassy of Italy in Addis Ababa is going to stage a concert with Italian singer Carla Cocco, accompanied by fellow guitar player Fabio Guandalini in collaboration with locally renowned jazz group Kaÿn Lab to “Italian melodies meet Ethiopian Sounds” on Wednesday, 6th June, 2018 at the Italian Cultural Institute.

A roadmap for African Industrialization

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Although Africa has recorded strong economic growth in recent years, and will continue to do so this year, its gains will remain fleeting until it undergoes a long-awaited transition away from commodity exports and toward manufacturing. That, in turn, will require leaders who are willing to put the economy before narrow political considerations.
By Akinwumi Adesina
Africa is at a crossroads. Six of the world’s ten fastest-growing economies are now located in the region, and the continent’s GDP is expected to grow at a rate of 4.1% this year, up from 3.6% in 2017.
Yet Africa’s economic growth has not been accompanied by a commensurate level of job creation, which has particularly negative implications for women and young people. In fact, today’s jobless growth could even reverse the gains made in eradicating poverty in recent years.
The problem is that Africa’s growth, while impressive, has been volatile, because it has been driven mainly by high commodity prices, rather than by manufacturing. The economic effects of this imbalance should not be underestimated. Among other things, it explains why a region that produces about 75% of the world’s cocoa accounts for just 5% of the nearly $100 billion annual chocolate market.
Despite its vast natural resources, Africa will remain at the mercy of commodity prices and trade flows until it undertakes a profound structural transformation. The time has come for Africa to unlock its true economic potential by following in the footsteps of every modern economy and undertaking the transition from agriculture to manufacturing.
Africa’s manufacturing sector is the weakest link in its ongoing integration into the global economy. Today, primary products (raw materials) comprise 62% of Africa’s total exports, the highest share in the world. At the same time, manufactured exports per capita in 2014 totaled just $218, which is among the lowest levels in the world, and far below other developing regions such as Asia ($883) and Latin America ($1,099). Clearly, Africa must start catching up.
Fortunately, there is already a global consensus that industrialization matters, and that it is in everyone’s interest for Africa to become the global manufacturing power it ought to be. With its “High 5 Agenda,” the African Development Bank (AfDB) has made industrialization a top priority. Likewise, industrialization is a key component of the African Union’s “Agenda 2063.” And, in 2016, the United Nations General Assembly declared 2016-2025 the “Third Industrial Development Decade for Africa.”
But such pronouncements are meaningless in the absence of concrete action. To change the region’s economic trajectory, African policymakers must focus on three key areas: industrial policies, infrastructure financing, and leadership.
We now know that industrial policies can be effective in boosting growth. The question is whether states possess the capacity to implement the policies they design. If they do, they can channel resources toward industry and marshal available technologies to create synergy between the agriculture and manufacturing sectors.
A number of African countries have already moved in this direction. Ethiopia, for example, has created special economic zones, where it has lowered production costs by investing in infrastructure. As a result, the country has emerged as Africa’s largest hub for textile manufacturing, attracting major players like H&M and Primark. Similarly, Rwanda’s Kigali Special Economic Zone, which exempts firms from taxes for ten years, has attracted a $20 million investment from Volkswagen for a new vehicle-assembly plant.
But industrialization cannot happen without power, roads, and railways, which is why infrastructure must be a key focus. As of now, the AfDB pegs Africa’s infrastructure gap at $130–170 billion per year. Closing it will require not just more financing, but also more innovative thinking, particularly concerning joint public-private efforts.
To that end, the AfDB has expanded its portfolio for financing new infrastructure projects in several countries. As part of our “New Deal on Energy for Africa,” we have scaled up investment in renewable energy and put $265 million toward developing two solar-power plants in Morocco. In Côte d’Ivoire, where demand for energy is surging by 8-9% annually, we are investing $60 million to bring a new 44-megawatt hydropower plant onstream.
African countries should make such investments now to reap the demographic dividend of the continent’s population bulge in the years ahead. As manufacturing activities expand, they will need to be supported by more robust knowledge- and skill-based economies, which will require higher investment in education to boost technical and vocational skills and training.
No country has ever undergone economic modernization without industry. But, more to the point, no functional industrial sector has ever emerged in the absence of strong, committed leadership. Consider Mauritius, which in the 1970s was a low-income mono-crop economy with a per capita GDP of just under $250. Today, Mauritius is an upper-middle-income country with a more diversified economy and a per capita GDP of around $9,600. It is often cited as a model of economic success in Africa.
How did this come about? As former Mauritian Prime Minister and President Anerood Jugnauth has put it, “There is no miracle. It is due simply to hard work, discipline, and will.” Leaders who want to develop a strong manufacturing base must have the political will to distribute resources fairly and pull the private sector along.
Mauritius experienced its fair share of challenges in moving from low-end manufacturing to technology-intensive goods and services. But it now stands as an example of what committed leadership can accomplish. Other African countries would do well to emulate it as they pursue their own economic transformations.
All told, Africa is well placed to seize many of the opportunities that the global economy offers emerging markets. It already has the resources and the labor; now it needs committed leaders like Jugnauth who will implement the right policies.

Akinwumi Adesina is President of the African Development Bank.