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Chokepoint warfare and limping diplomacy amid stalled talks

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The current state of diplomatic paralysis, characterized by mutual distrust, unbalanced war dynamics, and fragmentation, hinders the region’s ability to resolve conflicts and establish a stable security order. As a result, any attempts by a mediator state to engage in diplomacy are significantly impaired, lacking both smooth execution and full credibility. The prevailing conditions reflect a limping diplomatic process, trapped in cycles of various forms of conflict.

The geopolitical landscape is marked by this diplomatic paralysis, driven by fragmentation and stalled mediation efforts. The focus of tensions has shifted from direct military engagements to economic pressures at critical chokepoints, leading to global trade disruptions and economic shocks.

This new approach to warfare, which emphasizes economic strain at chokepoints rather than kinetic conflict, has created a stalemate. Failed negotiations, such as the April 2026 talks in Islamabad, underscore the breakdown of trust following ceasefire violations.

Disruptions at key maritime chokepoints, including the Red Sea (Bab el-Mandeb Strait), Suez Canal, and Strait of Hormuz, result in annual global economic losses of approximately $10.7 billion due to delays, rerouting, and increased freight rates. Historical events, like the 1956 Suez Canal Crisis, temporarily halted global trade, while the Iran-Iraq War in the 1980s involved attacks on oil tankers, disrupting shipping and driving up oil prices. More recently, the grounding of the Ever Given in the Suez Canal in 2021 caused significant traffic disruptions and economic losses.

This situation is not solely a conflict between the US-Israel and Iran; many countries are grappling with the repercussions of economic shocks.

Although diplomatic breakthroughs occur, they are often fragile and can collapse for various reasons. Houthi attacks since 2023 have compelled shipping to reroute around the Cape of Good Hope, increasing costs and impacting economies in Africa and Asia. These pressures exacerbate conflict cycles by weaponizing trade dependencies.

The emerging approach appears to favor peace and security talks at chokepoints, but it lacks a shared strategic purpose among long-standing allies. This absence of alignment undermines diplomatic efforts and diminishes interest from external parties, leaving no viable options for a regional security pact.

These developments illustrate the vulnerability of global trade to disruptions at critical chokepoints. Such incidents not only affect shipping but also create ripple effects across industries that rely on timely deliveries, including manufacturing and energy. Consequently, nations and companies may be forced to seek alternative routes, facing considerable cost risks.

In summary, the limping diplomacy in West Asia reflects a chronic condition where negotiations are perpetually stalled due to broken trust, internal political crises, external interference, and misaligned goals among key powers. This is not merely a conflict between the US-Israel and Iran; numerous countries are bearing the economic burden of these shocks. This reality can be viewed as an unchecked, subtle world war.

The path to recovery may require not just more discussions but a fundamental shift in how these talks are conducted. There may be a need for greater sensitivity and a concerted move toward a new, shared security architecture that involves major economies and political powers, reminiscent of the collaborative efforts seen during WWII.

Such an approach would necessitate a collaborative effort to address root causes, build trust, and establish frameworks that prioritize mutual benefits over unilateral gains. By doing so, it could mitigate economic shocks, foster stability, and potentially prevent further escalation in this volatile region.The current tensions in West Asia closely resemble the dynamics of the WWII and Cold War eras, where proxy conflicts and ideological divides contributed to global instability. Just as past superpowers vied for influence in strategic regions, today’s geopolitical landscape features key players exploiting local conditions and disputes to assert dominance. This situation highlights the necessity of a delicate balancing act reminiscent of the past, where missteps were swiftly corrected to prevent wider conflicts that could impact nations globally.

Modern alliances, similar to those formed during WWII, are built on strategic interests and common goals. However, today’s alliances tend to be more fluid and complex, as countries navigate a multifaceted web of economic, environmental, and security concerns. Unlike the more rigid alliances of the past, contemporary partnerships require ongoing negotiation and adaptation to rapidly changing global dynamics.

The arena of confrontation has shifted from traditional battlefields to maritime chokepoints, transforming economic infrastructure into a weapon of war. The faltering diplomacy in West Asia has evolved from mere political dysfunction into a structural feature of a new, unchecked global conflict paradigm. It resembles a political cancer that has spread from its original site to distant regions, creating secondary economic crises that affect various countries far removed from the epicenter.

There is an urgent need to address this issue before it escalates further. We must act decisively, akin to using a laser cutter to nip the problem in the bud, rather than allowing it to worsen. This is not an issue we can afford to ignore. The world must cooperate to find solutions, as we all share this planet and have a responsibility to support one another. Otherwise, the ongoing choke point conflicts will continue to ensnare bystanders, transforming US-Israel-Iran tensions into a subtle world war due to the risks of missteps leading to greater escalation.

Without immediate intervention, the choke point warfare testing West Asia could become the standard for 21st-century conflicts—seemingly low-grade but economically devastating, with effects extending far beyond the region’s borders.

The way forward may involve establishing a choke point security pact that includes multilateral patrols (involving the US, China, India, and Gulf states) to ensure safe passage, along with economic incentives such as shared infrastructure funds. It may also require trust-building mechanisms with neutral mediators (e.g., Oman or Qatar) and verifiablede-escalation measures (like linking Houthi stand-downs to humanitarian aid).

Additionally, diplomacy should focus on addressing Yemen’s humanitarian crisis and providing sanctions relief for Iran, emphasizing mutual gains rather than zero-sum outcomes. A serious commitment at the G20 level to diversify trade routes (such as Ethiopia’s Berbera corridor) could help reduce chokehold leverage. This “laser-jet cutter” approach necessitates bold leadership to avert a subtle world war. Ethiopia, as a regional stakeholder, could amplify calls for African involvement in ensuring Red Sea stability.

Therefore, urgency must transcend mere rhetoric. It requires that the world’s major powers and regional stakeholders shift from crisis management to structural shock absorption. This entails moving quickly beyond fragmented mediation efforts toward a coordinated strategy that secures chokepoints, rebuilds trust through neutral arbitration, and addresses the underlying economic grievances that contribute to paralysis. Specifically, a chokepoint security pact may be essential.

As the diplomatic paralysis in West Asia has morphed into a structural element of 21st-century conflict, this situation is no longer merely a localized political failure, but rather a global economic contagion. Chokepoint warfare weaponizes trade, involves bystanders, and risks turning US-Israel-Iran tensions into a subtle world war.

Recovery necessitates more than fragmented discussions; it demands a decisive shift toward a shared security architecture. A multilateral chokepoint security pact, supported by major powers, neutral mediators, and economic incentives, offers the only viable path to break the cycle.

Without urgent, coordinated action, today’s faltering diplomacy will become tomorrow’s permanent template for global instability. The world must act now, not as bystanders, but as co-architects of a resilient peace.

Child surgical mortality in developing countries remains up to ten times higher, new program seeks solutions

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Children in developing countries continue to face dangerously high risks during and after surgery, with mortality rates up to seven to ten times higher than in developed nations, according to experts speaking at the launch of a new pediatric surgical safety initiative in Ethiopia.

The warning came during the unveiling of the Safe Surgical System Strengthening for Children Surgery program, a partnership between the Lifebox Foundation and the Ethiopian Pediatric Surgeons Association. The initiative aims to improve the safety of pediatric surgery and address the structural and resource-related gaps that continue to undermine outcomes for children.

Dr. Tihitena Nigussie, President of the Ethiopian Pediatric Surgeons Association and Global Clinical Director at Lifebox, said the disparity is driven largely by a lack of essential equipment and systemic weaknesses in surgical care.

“Unlike developed countries, we have a mortality rate that is seven to ten times higher,” she said, adding that one of the biggest problems is the absence of equipment needed to regulate a child’s body temperature during and after surgery. When children’s temperatures fall too low, she said, they become vulnerable to heart rhythm problems, breathing complications, excessive bleeding, and wound infections.

She also pointed to the risks created by long fasting periods before surgery. While adults may tolerate extended fasting, children are far less able to withstand deprivation of glucose and water. That, she said, can lead to hypoglycemia, dehydration, delayed recovery from anesthesia, and other complications.

Experts involved in the program said the new initiative differs from previous fragmented efforts because it follows a peri-operative approach, tracking a child’s entire journey through surgery. That includes the pre-operative stage, when the child is assessed and prepared; the intra-operative stage, when anesthesia, temperature, and glucose must be closely monitored; and the post-operative stage, when infection prevention and recovery care become critical.

Senait Bitew, Chief Program Officer at Lifebox, said Ethiopia will serve as a hub for the project, which is expected to guide similar work in other African countries.

“This project is not just for Ethiopia; it is something we are working on globally,” she said. “Most of the work we pilot in Ethiopia will serve as a model for other African countries as well.”

She emphasized that improving pediatric surgical safety cannot be achieved by one profession or institution alone. Surgeons, anesthesiologists, nurses, quality control officers, and hospital administrators must work together in a coordinated system, she said.

Senait also stressed the importance of policy support and resource mobilization, noting that surgery often receives far less attention than its public health burden warrants.

“We must mobilize resources by supporting the Ministry of Health with data that shows the extent of the problem,” she said.

The Safe Surgical System Strengthening program is intended to identify gaps in health facilities, develop practical solutions, and put them into action in a way that can be sustained over time. Although the current focus is on children, organizers say the work could later expand to mothers and women.

Independence concerns over private sector exclusion from new insurance board

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Ethiopia’s insurance sector, which has long operated under the supervisory shadow of the National Bank of Ethiopia (NBE), is on the verge of a historic structural shift. The recently unveiled draft “Insurance Proclamation” mandates the establishment of the Ethiopian Insurance Regulatory Authority (EIRA), a move hailed by industry experts as a significant “leap forward.”

While professionals welcome the transition to an independent regulator, they are expressing growing concern over the board composition outlined in the draft. Experts argue that the current structure focuses exclusively on government leadership, lacking private sector representation and deep technical expertise, which could hinder the ability to navigate complex international financial markets.

This draft law represents the most substantial structural change in the sector in four decades. Once ratified, the new authority is expected to possess 100% operational autonomy, reporting directly to the Ministry of Finance. This step is viewed as a “historic milestone” and a vital infrastructural preparation before the sector opens to foreign competition.

For years, Experts have argued that keeping insurance regulation under the NBE—which primarily focuses on banking and monetary policy—has stifled growth. This has contributed to the sector’s contribution to Ethiopia’s GDP remaining below 1%. While the establishment of the EIRA is the draft’s centerpiece, the board’s proposed makeup remains a point of contention.

According to the proposed framework, the board will consist of seven members led by ex-officio government officials. These include the Governor of the National Bank, a representative from the Ministry of Trade & Regional Integration, the Commissioner of the Authority, and the Director-General of the Ethiopian Capital Markets Authority.

The remaining seats are slated for independent members appointed directly by the Prime Minister.

Industry veteran Asseged Gebremedhin, an insurance broker and consultant, told Capital “This is where the question of true independence arises. In countries like Kenya, India, or the UK, the board usually includes representatives from insurance institutions or professional associations.

By excluding the private sector, we risk creating a regulator that is technically competent but disconnected from market dynamics.”

Asseged noted that neighboring Kenya utilizes an 11-member board to ensure a broader knowledge base. He argues that the appointment of “independent” members should be based on transparent, fair, and rigorous criteria of integrity and expertise, rather than direct political appointments, ensuring a “due process” seen in more developed markets.

For decades, most Ethiopian insurers have operated as “composite” companies, handling both life and general insurance. Currently, 13 of the 19 insurance companies in Ethiopia operate this way. The new draft, however, mandates specialization, requiring companies to separate their life insurance wings into independent sister companies.

The rationale is clear: the life insurance sector has been largely neglected. Industry players believe specialization will drive growth, though they caution that the transition must be managed to avoid administrative burdens.

The draft’s focus on Inclusive Insurance has garnered positive feedback. Currently, insurance services are heavily concentrated in Addis Ababa. The new proclamation includes a framework for “unbanked and unserved” communities, aiming to protect the crops of farmers, the livestock of pastoralists, and the livelihoods of micro-entrepreneurs.

This proclamation is a key component of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s “Homegrown Economic Reform.” Following the liberalization of the banking sector, the opening of the insurance sector is seen as inevitable. The proclamation serves as a “get ready” signal from the government to domestic companies.

Asseged recalled the 2012 World Economic Forum in Addis Ababa, where former PM Meles Zenawi stated Ethiopia lacked the “regulatory capacity” and “technological readiness” for international competition. Fourteen years later, the current administration is signaling that the time is now. The message to local firms is clear: modernize, merge, or face the consequences.

The draft proclamation includes broad reforms to modernize the sector, strengthen financial stability, and align Ethiopia with international standards. It provides a clear legal path for foreign insurers to enter the market through locally incorporated subsidiaries. It also facilitates wider ties with international reinsurers to increase underwriting capacity and distribute risk effectively.

Furthermore, the law introduces a “Regulatory Sandbox” for the digital economy, allowing companies to test innovative FinTech-led insurance products in a controlled environment. It also permits banks and microfinance institutions to sell insurance through Bancassurance and officially implements index-based insurance, which is critical for the agricultural sector.

To ensure rapid expansion does not compromise safety, the draft mandates that all insurers hire external actuaries and establishes a “Resolution Authority.” This body will have the power to intervene in insurance companies facing insolvency to protect the interests of the public and policyholders.

Africa’s growth at risk due to $1.2 trillion debt burden, ECA chief warns

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The promising economic recovery seen across Africa is threatened by a daunting “wall of debt” that could reverse decades of developmental progress, warns the Executive Secretary of the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA). As of May 2026, the continent’s total external debt has surged to $1.2 trillion, representing not just a financial liability but a critical barrier to Africa’s future.

In many countries, the debt burden has surpassed sustainable levels, with over 25% of total government revenue allocated to interest and principal payments. This diversion strips essential funds from services such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure.

Claver Gatete, UN Under-Secretary-General and Executive Secretary of the ECA, highlighted that this escalating crisis has put 16 African nations at high risk of debt distress, with 7 already in full-blown crises. Data shows that financial pressures are reaching unprecedented heights; in 2026 alone, Africa is expected to make debt payments exceeding $90 billion.

This overwhelming debt is creating a cycle that discourages new investments, stifles private sector growth, and diminishes the fiscal capacity of governments, leaving them unable to shield their citizens from global economic volatility or climate emergencies. Speaking on May 6, 2026, at the opening of the Second Africa Sovereign Investors Forum in Addis Ababa, Gatete emphasized that while Africa’s macroeconomic foundation remains resilient—with growth projected at 3.9% in 2025 and 4.0% in 2026—the $1.2 trillion debt overhang jeopardizes this progress.

Financial experts caution that without swift intervention and structural reforms in Africa’s access to international capital, the continent’s hard-won developmental achievements could fade, turning a decade of promise into a “lost decade” for millions. Addressing the forum under the theme “Enhancing Fiscal Capacity and Ensuring Debt Sustainability,” Gatete urged global leaders to recognize the disproportionate and “exaggerated cost of capital” shouldered by African nations, often termed the “Africa Premium.”

Despite housing twelve of the world’s fastest-growing economies, Africa confronts the highest interest rates globally. ECA research reveals that at least 16 African countries face debt servicing costs that far exceed their economic capabilities.

This “systemic mispricing” has led to a cumulative loss exceeding $74 billion—funds that could have addressed significant infrastructure deficits. “Are we accurately measuring risk, or are we systematically mispricing Africa?” Gatete questioned, noting that currently, only Mauritius and Morocco hold investment-grade credit ratings, while 19 countries have no ratings at all. This lack of transparent data allows global markets to label African debt as “high risk” by default, despite substantial reform efforts.

In response, the ECA is working toward establishing an African Credit Rating Agency. This institution aims to deliver transparent, forward-looking, and data-driven assessments that reflect the continent’s economic realities. By providing alternative narratives to traditional international rating agencies, the ECA seeks to lower risk costs and secure affordable, long-term financing for development.

The forum, organized by the ECA in collaboration with FSD Africa, also outlined a strategic roadmap for African debt managers. This includes integrating climate and development goals into debt strategies to access specialized “green” capital and equipping Debt Management Offices (DMOs) with improved analytical tools to oversee debt portfolios.

Additionally, State Minister of Finance Semereta Sewasew noted during the forum that Ethiopia has implemented comprehensive reforms, including transitioning to a market-led foreign exchange system. These efforts enabled Ethiopia to secure over $3.5 billion in debt relief under the G20 Common Framework, demonstrating that the “credibility of policy frameworks” is as crucial as the size of the debt itself. As Ethiopia prepares to represent the continent by hosting COP32, the connection between finance and climate resilience has reached a critical juncture. Gatete stressed that “climate goals require massive amounts of financing,” which remains nearly unattainable under the current inequitable international financial system.